The repercussions of the 'abortive! coup last November are only now assuming full impact in Portugal. The coup itself - encouraged by the Stalinists despite their last minute 'pull out' - has allowed the Azevedo regime to resume the initiative after it had been reduced to near impotence, last year, under the rise in workers! struggles.
Resuming the 'initiative' does not just mean clamping down in the armed forces wnich nas already seen the arrest of over 70 officers & the re-establishment of what the Supreme Revolutionary Council calls 'military authority'. also means using this change in the balance of forces to begin to roll back the economic and political gains won by the mass movement since the 1974 coup Undoubtedly, this attack on the workers movement has been cautious, reflecting the government's fear of a new 'upsurge!. The recent mass demonstrations that have shaken Lisbon - particularly the 40,000 strong one organised on January 17 by Intersindical - prove how cautiously the government still has „red vc a working class that has still not been defeated. Nevertheless. Jis ooecuve is clear. It is, as Azevedo spelt out last Decemoer, to create the climate for the 'voluntary and conscious acceptance of sacrifices'.
Economic Front The true meaning of this policy, on the economic tront, was made perfectly clear by Azevedo in a televised speech later ine same monın wnen ne pointed out that the state of the economy dependand workers!. According to New York Times correspondent Marvin Howe, warned that unrealistic wage claims and over-employment nad causea many enterprises to close.
Azevedo's call for discipline is, of course, highly reminiscent of the AFM's earlier call for the need to win 'the battle for production..'. The fact that Azevedo feels confident enough to call openly for sacrifices - without the left smokescreen that surrounded the AFM's earlier appeals the shift in the balance of forces created wy ine aporlive November coup, The impact of the government 'austerity programme! can be measured by the fact that it speaks of 'over-employment' at a time when 13% of the workforce is on the dole. It can further be measured by the fact that it calls for tax rises and wage cuts at a time when government subsidies on essentials have been ended and Intlation is raging. the capital have, for example, 100% recently.
The government not only feels confident enough to open an offensive against the lapour movement but has also announced that its land-reform programme is being pur 'on ice' in the northern two thirds of Portugal and in certain parts of the south as well.
plan proposed, Supreme Revolutionary In a dispatch from Lisbon, - is only indicative defence'.
Transport costs in Workers Parties risen by their own mass base. "nere Is after the downfall of Caetano in 1974, These initial curbs - imposing a to win the position vvvvccœn cvc be seen as part or a basic interests 'sacrifices'.
class offensive.
The govcharging of dangers. for their policies, a 'para-military)
• a massive , 000 extra January 10th, and credit', commandos - are labour the small farmers, by T.Roberts which could most clearly be seen in the on vanuary 9th, by the counci inat would ensure continued military rule.
LI1C Washington Post stated that 'the military plan would enable the Council to dissolve the elected legislature and veto many of its decreees on everything from nat'onalisation inrougn toreign attairs to While the political parties may insist on obtaining a reduced military role in the period tp come, it is clear that the military intend to remain the real power in Portugal as they have been ever since ine coup in 1914 inat overinrew vaelano Unfortunately, neither the Communist nor Socialist parties have openly come out against the offensive (launched by the military-backed Azevedo government) ment. against the workers' movement. Both parties continue to remain in the government and, by being implicated in its decisions, have seriously disoriented Not course, lttle new in inis.
Instead of breaking with the AFM, the Headers or boin retormisi oartles nave participated in successive capitalist governments since caelano's downfall competing among themselves of the AFM's most Instead of attempting to unite the masses in defence of their dedinsı ine motitan they have acted as agents of the AFM in the labour movement helping to sell the need for 'belt-tightening' and for ter into the arms of the 'right!.
Left Forces The forces to the left of the reformis: parties, still disoriented by the November coup, have no alternative. Desp'.= the fact that the coup was the logic of the Stalinists' ultra-left stance, many of the groups have yet to break away from tail-ending the CP's demagogic line which helped split the labour movement and create illusions in the !efts among the military.
More important today than ever is the need to openly call for the two workers' parties to cease their bickering and to unite in opposition to the anti-working class offensive of the Azevedo governSuch a policy of united action, at all levels, could be spearheaded by the call tor ine ur and sr to torm a work. ers' government based on the majority of the popular vote they won in last April's elections.
Campaigning for such a perspective could begin to unite the labour movemen: and give it a clear direction. It could also begin to show it, concretely, that its present leaders are bankrupt and pose the possibility of a real socialist solution. Certainly, inis is the only way forward for the movement in PortLydi Wuere mass of workers have as yet suffered OeSoIle Sel-•acks no decisive defeats.
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*r the Popu lr Dem crats Azevedo and Gresreis ea derin