April 76 Michelson The groups such as the IMG What are the conditions for the rise of a mass fascist movement ? The most important point is that a mass tascist movement can only develop out of a serious defeat for the Fascism finds workers movement. its social base in the 'middle strata' and the unemployed - all those who are 'squeezed' by the crisis & who are demoralised by the inability the workers' movement to solve the acute problems that they face. It is out of these demoralised layers that fascism beains to recruit by posing a 'radical alternativel to the tradit-. ional formulas either of the workers! leaders or the ruling class parties. If the workers movement is bold in fighting for a solution to the crisis, then many of these from the 'middle strata' can be won to the perspective then they will to the rhetoric and dynamic action of the fascist bands.
Q. Is fascism a threat today?
To read most of the radical press -with their 'No platform for fasists' line - one would be tempted to think it was just around the corner. Major changes have taken place since ine Ithirties, however. The rise of fascout of the demoralisation and defeats as suggested, aren of the workers' movement. No sucn demoralisation exists today (though it could develop in the tuture) : ine movement throughout Europe is on ine upsurge ds can be seer • orucal anc spain receli the social base of fasc ism nas grown nar rower• The middle over une yeals, begun to increasingly identify themselves with the labour movement as can be alimosed in the rise of 'white collar' trade unionism and the radicalisation of the student movement.
There still exist,. rooted racisi ana chauvinisı iraditions in the labour movement which the NF is playing on.
A. It is true that the NF does participate in mass reactionary campaigns" such as SPUC designed to play on the weaknesses of the labour movement• li is important, differentiate between racism - that nas deep roots in ine workers movement - and fascism. The two are not ine same even inougn one: a period of time, oner. The fact that the NF is involved in these broad campaigns, while a sign of their astute attemp' to play on the backward prejudices of British workers, indication of their weakness since they can only mobilise a few red openly behind their own flags. Q. Neverineless. unless one stops them while they are small, l may soon pe loo lale.
A. NO - one doubts that the fascists will have to be stopped - by force. The question is. by whom.
The campaign led by groups as the IMG and |-CL against trying to break up its demonstrations and meetings - is based upon a tolal ly wrong assessment of the present The main danger today is silualloll, not the small, attack launched by the Labour ernment upon the rights and living standards of working people. To see the NF as the serious threat is to admit the working class has been defeated when the struggle has only just begun.
Sending a few NF members 'home' with a bloody nose will do nothing to politically eracicale ine Dreeaing grounds of fascism in the future.
What is the best way today of dealing with a potential fascist threat?
The answer is 'politically!. The NF is trying to create a 'fertile' ground for the future by playing on the weaknesses of the workers' movement on and Ineland. The left, dulging in confrontations with the NF, would do better at this stage to provide a serious polllicar challenge ie it by getting TOM or CRIA". Buildina a mass demonstration to repeal the Immigration Act or get the troops out of Ireland would be a serious challenge to the NF since it would undermine the basis for future fascist growth. left, while talking about the need to challenge the NF, nored these issues however.
Q.
A. however, deep nowever. the 'left', over can lead into the is also a clear hundthe danger is that when anc the NF isolated NF but the govban the NF?
A. mmierallon MOl a involved in bulding the movement, The them in a have virtually igfail to do.
the labour Do you think confror:a: :"s ine counter-productive?
At this stage they are. C co.-g: if the majority of workers were arepared to tackle the NF - as ire: Mosley's blackshirts in the Eas: E-: in the 'thirties - that would be c-:e ditterent. lt is quite a dutteren: : "3 for a few isolated left groups to :r. and do so. In the first place, SUC 'vanguard' actions only leave the vast mass of workers as spectators. In the second place, it suggests the:
instead of being the. ma'defender of democratic rights, actively engaged in a campaign :o destroy them. Thirdly, such actio" is an organisational solution to the political problem of defeating the \= Mass anti-fascist rally in the 30s Q. What about the attacks made by :te NF on left meetings? Would it be correcı to cali on une governmen: :"
That would be a' major mistake. i would be a mistake to call upon :-e government lo Dan anyone since "e can be sure it would be the 'le*: organisations that would be the * - = to suffer from any curtailment odemocratic rights. History has -:. than confirmed this.
Faced with growing attacks, first task should be to orgar ss fence guards. As socialists, not afraid of taking on the fasd's:: We want to do so, however, omost favourable to the workers!
To call for 'defence gua-ss within the broader labour mo: ere-: to defend a meeting is the bes of doing this. By posing :-e .= == the aggressor intent upon ces:-:: the democratic rights of the labo-it will be possible io volve wide layers wno will dez see these thugs in their rea More important still, it wil:
real struggle for rignts which the vanguard ac: :": of groups like the IMG miserabi:
Blackburn tried to suggest. The c!as=