Socialist Action (LSA) Vol. 1, No. 4, June 1976
A different group, and a different paper from the IMG’s Socialist Action of 1983–88. The League for Socialist Action were supporters of the US Socialist Workers Party’s tendency in the Fourth International who split from the IMG in 1976 and rejoined it in 1982.
The scan: Socialist Action v1 no4 jun 1976.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive)
Uncorrected machine reading of the whole issue. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from the scan and has not been corrected or cut into articles. Each page gives the headlines first, then the columns in order, so one article runs on into the next. Expect misread words. Use it to find things; quote from the scan.
Page 1 scan of this page
SOCIALIST ACTION
WAGE CUTS
Articles on Abortion, Education, Fascism, Ireland, Labour Party, Racism, Students, S. Africa, Portugal, Spain, Zimbabwe.
IMMIGRATION:
MOUNTS
Over the past month, the press has indulged in an almost unparalleled witch-hunt against immigrant workers. Hardly a day has gone by without cases such as the Asians from Malawi hitting the headlines in a deliberate attempt to whip up racist feeling.
Enoch Powell, sensing the new mood. has not been slow to take advantage ot it. in nis most recent outburst, he once again accused the government of covering the fact that they have wildly ceeded immigration quotas. He followed this up, at a meeting ou the police federation, by ing that mugging' was a direct result of the numbers of Blacks being allowed into the country.
Sheltering behind this racist offensive, the National Front beaun to translate the verbal alacks into more physical ones. Last month, they organised two deliberately provocative marches Bradford and Birmingham calling for an lend' to immigration. demonstrations were arranged to pass through high immigrant areas. Labour
The response of the Labour government to this campaign has been spineless. Instead of challenging
they meekly admitted that mistake had been made in ration quotas and leading Labour figures (such as Bob Mellish) pointed out the need to take firmer action by 'tightening' up on the present law.
The back - down of the Labour government before this offensive can also be measured from the fact that Callaghan only recently sacked Alex Lyons (Minister for State at the Home Office) who, radical, has been calling for more fair treatment for Blacks. response-that Callaghan has never had 'much time for the Blacks! - is indicative of Labour's intention of introducing severer laws soon.
Diversion
The fact that a racist offensive is being mounted at present is not, of
accidental. Even though courst. the labour movement has, up to now,
acquiesced in the government wage freeze and record jobless! total,
is a growing opposition de-
Lnere veloping as shown recently in the
May 26th demonstration. In to head off! this development, the
RIA demonstratio Photo: Andrew Wiar
PAPER OF THE LEAGUE FOR SOCIALIST ACTION
RACIST THREAT
R.Munro
right! are quite consciously beginning to wield the racist card to confuse and divide the labour movenchile The fact that the Labour leaders have not responded to this challenge is highly dangerous. By backing down before the racists, they are only helping create a in which the demagogy of like Powell finds a growing response. They are, in a very up! sense, helping to pave the way for eX- a racist backlash as blacks are
blamed for the high unemployment, worsening social services & lon suggest-
The concrete results of the Labour leaders! spineless attitude has already been seen in the local election results, Whereas the labour vote plummeted, racist groups like nas
the National Front received record figures (as high as 30% in an area like Bradtord). while inis vote s in large measure a protest vote! it does indicate racist moods devel oping among layers of the workers! movement and is a clear sicnai.
Responsibility
The fact that such an attitude is beainning to spread in the labour movement means that socialists are faced with a heavy responsib immig- ility. Unless it can meet such
challenge, unless it can turn its verbally anti-racist stance into a much concrete and effective campaign to
root out racism, built up over centuries ot imper -ialist rule will become ever- more intiamed.
It is this which makes the campaign launched by to Repeal the 1971 Immigration Act) while no so vital. A serious struggle to re
peal that Act around waitre right-wing are mobilising -Lyon's
provide a powerful focal for struggling inside the movement against racist attitudes in general.
The 1971 Act not only excludes Blacks entering the country on the basis of colour but ensures the few who do manage to get in! are treated as cheap labour in men ial jobs and denied basic Building mass action to. the labour leaders repeal the Act is the most effective way, of challenging head-on the stage. racist demagogy of figures order as Powell
Continued on back page.
greporthe 1971 Immigration Act, April 11th.
Vol 1. No 4.
climate figures
real warning
by 6%. 'wring! out of Healey,
present trends, about 5% by the end of 1977.
As usual, to carry the main burden of the prejudices treeze
vice cuts
CRIA (Campaign will suffer the most.
Learning £50 a week can only 22, up to 28. can Jobless
point
labour
extending the freeze is the
Inal was the argument used to home! the rights. •emana
dole queues,
at this
mark by the end of the year. such 'modernisel industry first
productivity deals'. the loss of over 10,000 jobs.
Connivance
by Healey is, in this sense,
SAY NO TO
WORGES ARISE TRANSPORT & GENERAL
WORKERS UNION
REGION
peace CO
POLITICAL COMMITTEE Day of Action march on 26th May.
"This budget must be one of the most reactionary ever produced by a Labour Chancellor!!. The Tribune group's comment is not far off the mark. The latest stage in the Social Contract, accepted without so much as a whimper by the TUC, pledges itself to savagely wages while allowing prices to rise unchecked. Already, under the 10% norm that limited wage increases to £6, real
standards have plummeted Tightening this further to which the TUC was able to will mean ever - deeper inroads into living standards at a time when inflation is soaring at over 15% a year. On
they will drop by it will be those least able to bear it who will be lasked!
the and the savage social sermade earlier this year.
Despite the Ired herring' of tax concessions, the deal accepted by the TUC means that the least able
While those
those earning 2200 can get
fight for it.
One of Healey's justifications for
neca to curb the rapidly-rising jobless total. Driving down living stand- sacrifices',
ards to cut unemployment which
'ram Social Contract back in 1974) is iust nonsense. Far from cutting unemployment, the latest deal can (and will) only add to the
already estimated to reach the one and a nait minion
Freezing wages while allowing prices to rise unchecked has one aim: to push up the profit margins of British industry which has found itself increasingly unable to compete in overseas markets due to its antiquated techniques. inincreasing profit margins is seen as vital to providing the capital to by the Wilson government in 1964 with its series of mergers and of
Modernising British industry will not mean more jobs, however, as Healey pretends, but throwing yet more on the dole. The attempt by the National Enterprise Board to pour massive funds into Chrysler or British Leyland has not been to save jobs but to create a more efficient firm at the direct expence of thousands.. In Chrysler, alone, the bailing-out! operation led to
The 42% wage freeze agreed to
half of the picture. Workers are expected to take drastic cuts in living standards to finance rationalisation schemes! which will lead to thousands more joining the dole queues. The government's declared aim of reducing the unemployment total to about 750, 000 by 1979 is pure fiction.
The government has only been able to get away with these capitalist policies because of the connivance of the TUC leaders who have been willing to stand idly by while living standards plummet and the dole queues grow longer than at any time since the thirties.
At no stage have they sought to put forward a clear alternative -an alternative based on the need to defend jobs and wages - and mobilise the labour movement to
On the contrary, leading figures such as Jack Jones (architect the Social Contract) have been to the forefront in 'justifying' ine government's attacks. Calling for
they have airected their main fire not against those labour leaders implementing proTory policies but those (in the Labour Party & unions) who have tried to challenge them. They have justified their position by claiming - as cia Jones. recently, at the Scottish TUC - that any opposition
at this stage, o Labour can only lead to its downfall and the retur of a hard-line Tory government.
It is not opposition to Labour's a returnt of the Tories but the policies. however, which inreater
NO TO THE SOCIAL CONTRACT Reject all wage curbs in favour of a return to free collective bargaining. agreements to safeguard against inflation.
FOR A 35-HOUR WEEK Reject all lay-offs. For the existing amount of work to be divided among the existing workforce with no loss of pay OPEN THE BOOKS No business secrets. Open the secret accounts of firms who refuse wage increases or work-sharing to workers' representatives.
NATIONALISE UNDER WORKERS' CONTROL Unlike the TUC proposal of increased subsidies for firms threatening mass lay-offs, workers' plan for production.
PUBLIC WORKS PROGRAM VE In order to absorb the unemployed, oppose all cuts in public spending and demand the labour and materials standing idly by be used to improve housing, hospitals and schools.
10p
June '76
policies of the government itself which are alienating thousands o Labour supporters. The • recen local election results in whic Labour suffered a dramatic set back are an indication ot where the government's policies have le and where they will continue lead unless a strong opposition is soon mounted within the ranks the labour movement.
Action Programme
Fortunately, ever-wicer aven are beginning to see through the 'blackmail' attempts by the TU Headers. The growing oppositio to the Ipay deal! in unions such a the NUM or AEUW is a clea indication of the mood building for a real challenge to the pro capitalist policies of the preser
This opposition ha cover nichl. already, began to assume a mor central focus in the mass action launched last month by Scottis workers against the savage so ial service curs and, more ly, that lauriched on May 26 aga st the high jobless total.
For this growing opposition t be effective, however, ions cannot be allowed to rema at the level of mere protests! no doubt, the Communist Party its allies among the left Lad MPs would like. • They. must a as a springboard for carrying ti fight into the labour movement
into the trade unions & Labo Party branches -for a program based on the interests of workir people. The labour leaders mu be forced to challenge head -the government's pro-Tory icies and demand it implemer those in the interests of workin people who put it into office ba
in 1974.
The policies put forward by th
CP and Labour lents are not d
inadequate in this respect. Callin
for limport controls and, in so cases, for reduced work permit at a time of rapidly-rising unem
loyment can be positively danger
ous by helping to foment divisic
in the workforce. What is need
is a programme which will unit that workforce and not divide
one that can bring together bo
the employed and unemployed in
single struggle to force the gov
nment to abandon its pro-
• else replace it w policies or
one that will.
Such a programme, fought boldly in the labour movemer
can offer a real perspective
thousands at present demoralis
by the government's policies.
can also ensure that the Torie
defeated by the miners! resolu
action in 1914, are kept our
office for good.
For a cost-of-living clause inbuilt into all wage nationalise them as part of a
Page 2 scan of this page
page 2 ZIMBABWE:
MOUNTS
As guerrilla activity mounts in Zimbabwe against the white racist regime, creased 'diplomatic pressure' is being mounted from Whitehall to force to come to a deal: The main aim of this pressure is to force him to make cessions to the moderate wing of the ANC (led by Joshua Nkomo*) in an attempt to could sweep through the whole of South- head off the threat of a race war ern Africa.
The most recent diplomatic manoeuvres followed the breakdown of the talks be -tween Prime Minister Smith and the Zimbabwean nationalist leader Nkomo March as the guerrilla action in Eastern Zimbabwe started to mount. government is only too aware that Istalling tactic employed by Smith since that time - advocating token participation of afew black leaders in the government -is quite inadequate to hold back the ever growing mass pressure for majority rule.
On March 22nd, the then Foreign retary Callaghan outlined a set of proposals to the House of Commons to leasel he situation. Their main aim was to pressurise Smith to make concessions io he Black nationalist leaders by acce=: -g 'in principle' the idea of majority -_e and to hold 'democratic elections.. i thin 18 months to 2 years.
Appeal
Callaghan's statement included an appeal to the white settlers to dump Smith
* he was unwilling to accept the
lAs things are', cath of death and destruction. Vir. Smith is leading the country on the inis late stage, I ask the European pop-
dation of Rhodesia to believe that here
s an alternative path...'. ernative path' was accepted, suggested, the British government. would participate in the talks to help
work out lelection procedures' for the
FASCISM
THE DEBATE CONTINUES
Dear Cdes, In your last issue, Cde Michelson takes
up what she considers the wrong tactics
to grasp what lies behind these tactics. adopted by NF. She therefore reveals an inability the left in dealing
The whole point about the NF
she, herself,
it concentrates on
activity. This is how a fascist movement
always developes. It is by
in mass actions like SPUC or
the Immigration Campaign - as well
marching behind its
poses as an attractive frustrated by The aim of the 'No Platform for Fascists' the "traditional "right'.
campaign is to stop this development in its
tracks. streets (by any By preventing the NF means necessary'),
left can seriously undermine its key app-
eal to the disillusioned and frustrated: its
activism. The recent break-up of the NF
tactics have been. onlv goes to show how
Cde Michelson hides her refusal to take
up the challenge of the NF by talk about
the need to fight them
just 'organisationally talk. Socialists continually fight against
'racism' or 'chauvinism'
GUERRILLA ACTION
new government.
Callaghan coupled this In -
tlers.
«Conwho are
which government is installed.
Callaghan prime concerns of the last ment
The British the
cease'.
Interests
Seche pointed out,
Even at
If the 'altCallaghan speech' for fascists. We Reply
the is full of flaws.
- which it out, draws attention to - is that extra-parliamentary eci
participating the Stop sounding defeats. as own banners - that it the NF
force for those
that the labour
using the the whole the
correct these
Bradford 'politically' andnot
This is double-
but this general
by Peter Marais pressure with financial inducements to the white set-
The government would, he said. bewilling to consider 'financial & other means' to assist those 'Europeans
prepared to put their faith Rhodesia' by remaining after a Black
The aid would include direct grants and loans, as well as an attempt to lift the United Nations economic sanctions against the country.
also expressed one of the British governout to protect its interests not only in Zimbabwe but also in South Africa which a wide-scale race war would threaten - that the settlement should be such that 'guerrilla activity should soon
Although Callagnan did not spell it out, the real aim of the British government is precisely to arrange an 'orderly! transfer to majority rule which is, atter ine Angolan experience, seen as inevitable.
Joshua Nkomo and James Callaghan.
Platform' Campaign is tis nonsense. The
osing democratic rights is nonsense.
labour movement has never been - as Cde
Michelson seems to be - in favour of 'free
F.R. (Oxford)
Ode JB's letter represents an arguement
that is widespread on the lett today.
Although Cde JB never actually spells
This letter infers that the NF is an
immediate threat. This is patently incor-
Fascism, as a mass movement, can
only develop out of the demoralisation of
the workers' movement following re-
The entire experience
of the 'thirties confirms this. TO pose
as a serious threat today is not
only to adopt the pessimistic conclusion
been defeated (or is bound to suffer de- movement nas already
feat in the coming period). It is to turn
perspective of struggle away
from the real danger - the attack made by
the Labour government - onto a possible
future fascist menace. Cde JB might reply that stopping the NF
'in its tracks' today is the sole way
ensuring this threat doesn't get off the
ground. This is naive. The recent pro-
vocations of the NF in Birmingham and
- marching through immigrant
areas - show that the 'punch up' policy
of left groups such as the IMG over the
years has been worthless. What these
groups have not grasped is that a few
Many hundreds of Africans in north activational in London recently Smith regime include soles of ectrodes or cattle goads
in guerrilla attacks.
000 blacks have already been herded into compounds. tected villages'.
Nhat the Labour government (as its coun terpart in South Africa) fears above al is that Smith's intransigence to a major race war in Zimbabwe which could overspill into neighbouring ries and threaten Imperialism's massive investment there. The Economist was more open. It pointed out last month that if the British ernment participated in the negotiations between the white settlers and Zimbab -weans, on the scope of the franchise which it would '.. have something to say help. to decide what sort of men will lead What the Economist was stressing was, the first majority - rule government. of course, the hope that British intervention could create a 'moderate majority rule government' which was not hostile to imperialism's interests.
Washington has been quick to the support of the Labour government's intervention. The New York Times, reflecting thinking in US ruling circles, pointed out that 'the stakes are so great in Southern Africa and the cost of fail -ure is likely to be so catastrophic that Britain deserves support in this latest desperate effort'.
Negative
Despite the carrot and stick treatment imom las so far rejected the proposals. however, Prime Minister Smith ime has call them ino less extremé than those of the African National Council', which Smith had held discussions with previously. the loss of political power to a Black For the Rhodesian government would mean an end to their privileged social and economic position which exists solely through over the black majority.
While Smith continues with a few token
reforms (such as calling for a few Black
Ministers to participate in the govern -
ment), in reality he is intensifying
anti-guerrilla campaign.
its programme of forced resettlement of months, the regime has clearly expanded
the Black population in rural areas so as
to lisolatel the guerrillas from any hase.
At the same time, wide-scale terror is
cist threat tomorrow: chauvinism
While the left gets involved in
racism. ¡heroic confrontations, they have done
nothing to burn out these prejudices in
the labour movement which continue
provide the NF with support.
While the IMG,
demonstration, called for building
'anti-fascist committees',
on the left have consistently refused to
build in any serious way against racism
by supporting campaigns such as
which launched its first national demon-
stration in April. Sending a few NFers
home with a bloody nose has become a
substitute for a serious attempt to root
racism out of the labour movement by the
building of serious campaigns.
is no doubt that the potential of a fasc-
ist menace is undermined a
times more securely by building mass small, 'isolated' conflicts with action against the
be against using force against NF thugs This is not,
to defend democratic rights.
black demonstrations in Bradford
Birmingham show the real need, today,
to begin organising defence committees
against a racist backlash.
ing such cttees involving members major difference, however, in
the labour movement and black commun-
ity and the small 'confrontations'
veloped by groups such as IS or
in their 'No Platform for Fascists' cam-
paign. The first involves wide layers of people
in defence of their rights and shows the
NF to be the racist thugs which they are.
The second,
flicts' which leave the masses as
spectators,
BLACKS TORTURED
nave been routinesy tortured, according to a repatre eased by nesty - east aimbabwe. interne eration the body with fists and sticks
the feet with sticks and the application of electric shocks by means of elcastration or immersed headfirst in barrels of water until unconscious In addition
International also estimated that more than 700 blacks are being detained without trial. Some of them have already spent ten years in prison. More than anned political organisation or allegedly carrying out guerrilla actions.
more the wiped san seeds been and come in 195
penalty is mandatory for conviction on charges of treason, arsen or participation Amnesty International examined another technique of repression becoming more widely used by the white racist regime in its struggle against the liberation 500 additional political prisoners have been convicted on charges of belonging The civil rights group estimated that between 100, 000 and 30Ồ
could lead
count-
govBritain
will
come to minority regines.
the Smith reg-
went so far as to eign Minister Andrei
La wine
settlers, ings,
dominance
and economically.
Over the pasi
and
rights.
to
following the Bradford the it and others
CRIA
There hundred Immigration Act than the
as Cde JB might infer, to
and
Side & buildof
aeIMG a twofold tactic.
by calling for small Icon -pure allow the NF to pose as de-
SOCIALIST ACTION
an area of fertile
the torture techniques used by the racist
beating on the torture victims have been threatened with
Moreover, secret trials)
The deat
Never
being conducted among the black population (particularly farm workers) who are accused of being accomplices of the guerrillas. It is clear that the Smith re-
despite its token concessions, grimly determined to retain majority rule in Zimbabwe and is preparing to face the gathering storm arms in hands.
Despite the fact that the British government has condemned Smith's intransig -ence in refusing to make concessions, is clear that its main concern is not the principle of 'majority rule! (which it has turned a blind eye to in the past). Knowing that they cannot any longer hold back would like to see an 'orderly! transfer of the tide of liberation in Zimbabwe. they power to men loyal to Britain's interests. At the same time as pressurising Smith regime, however, both the British and US governments have attempted warn the freedom fighters not to go 'too far'. In late March, Kissinger stated the USA would not tolerate the use of Cuban troops (previously involved in Angola) anywhere else, even against the white
He also warned Mozort those 'who rely on Cuban treets! On ambique that Washington would not supp-
Callaghan was even more direct. March 23rd, he told visiting Soviet For-
that any indirect, would be construed as a direc Cuban intervention in Zimbabwe attack against Britain itself. Such warnexpose the hypocritical concern of in themselves are sufficient the Labour government for 'majority rule!.
Far from opposing those who are against racism in Zimbabwe, the Labour
government should be called on to demand immediate majority rule & to deny the minority any assistance militarily
At the same time,
should equally be called on to conacint
the racist regime in South Africalabout
which it has kept curiously mute) and
deny it any assistance in terms of arms
or investment by which that government
continues to spread its control over the
vast areas of southern Africa.
necessary - but force in defence of dem-
ocratic rights and not to suppress these
- UNION ANT-IMMORATION MOVEMENT March for Britain. Typical of the held by the ultra-right focused on black immigration. demonstracions
In the coming period, we can be sure
that racism is going to be one of the
Itrump cards' used by the right to div-
confuse the workers! movement.
The NF demonstrations last month are
only one aspect of this 'whipping up' of
racist feeling (particularly around the
immigration issue). Taking up this issue
- and the left must take it up - involves
First, it means boid!:
building CRIA as a mass campaign roo:-
ed in the unions to fight against racis:
prejudice. And, secondly, it means sup-
porting the creation of defence citees
against any sign of right-wing violence.
It is by the use of these tactics -
not the infantile heroism of some !let:
Page 3 scan of this page
LABOUR IN PERSPECTIVE
page 3
On April 3rd, over 15,000 marched
through London protesting any moves by
the government to further restrict wom-
en's abortion rights. The demonstration,
the first since last June 21st,
timed since, at that very moment,
ernment - appointed Select Cttee
discussing various ways of restricting
the 1967 Act. It can report at any time.
The April 3rd demonstration must, how-
ever, only be the starting point in rally-
ing mass support against anti- abortion
threats. The Select Citee,
iginally last vear
White's Bill,
with certain restrictions that nave beer
implemented. Its new report, time, can onty further erode the limited
rights women have won
Act.
It is going to take serious from the National stem this tide.
to a mass an: i-abortion campaign(SPUC) which has led a vigorous fiaht years to repeal the 1967 Act.
on by the Labour government to vene ine Citee
of the Labour Party & TUC conferences wno nad come out Tor • tree abortion on request', to this reactionary lobby.
Debate
In order to stem the tide, vital for NAC to use the political debate it is now developing to set its priorities straight. Only recently, in to nea weekly fine Journal of the IMG), a member of the NAC Steering Cttee correctly asked: "Is the IMG for the political dissolution of NAC into the campaign against the NHS cuts...".
Writing in International Socialism 43, just prior lo ine lyro beneral election, Peter. Sedgewick was to unhesitatingly descripe ine Labour rarty as an open agency of capitalist rule!. boston. wrose widesoread accediance by the left resulted in an 'abstentionist! line. Was not news continuation of the one-sided and simplistic notions of the marxist left which can be traced back to the origins the Labour Party over 75 years ago.
It is, of course, Party does not represent a 'socialist party! despite the adoption, Clause 4 which has been the source of many inter-party feuds since that time. It is. and always has been, dominated by an anti-working class leadership imbued with the ideology of reformism:i. e of accepting the status quo and merely seeking reforms within it. in this sense, 'agency of capitalist rule! since refusal to challenge ine svstem torces ine leaa-
at times of economic downturn, ersnip, o capon ine workers' collaborate in making it 'work' again. netorms are continuallv debencent
as was most clear in Mac -Donald's decision to cut the dole in 1929 al a time woen inere were over z millior unemo loved.
Dual Nature
Recognition of this fact in no way, however, makes ine Labour rarty Identical with the Tories any more than the TUC. at present collaborating in a voluntary'
ABORTION
THE WAY FORWARD
was well a gov-
set up to investigate vames has already come forward
due any
1967 under une
opposition Abortion Campaign to point, The fact that the Citee us recal - s CUE
over ine The decisre-conover-riding the decision
represents a major concession
nowever, It Is
open letter
De
Concluding the series of articles on the Labour Party.
Sedgewick's
time,
of
true that the Labour
in 1918, of
on why,
the our san
movement lo
orically,
wally,
Lenin
FREE ABORTION ON UEMAND
IT TO CHOOSE
NAL ABORTIO
AMPAIGN
The question posed is a serious one
because it pinpoints the major confusion
that nas existed In NAu tor some time
over: what exactly is the struggle about?
At present we (and all women) are facing
a serious attack on the right to abortion.
This attack - represented in the Select
Cttee's attempt to curb the 1967 Act - is
primarily an ideological offensive launch-.
ed by the Iright! against the
challenge by women against discriminat-
ion in this society.
The main priority of NAC in the perioc
ahead is to win that battle because it is
only when women have won the riaht
abortion that they can then ensure
facilities are available to make the right
a 'concretel and not an 'abstract! one. To pose the fight against the NHS cuts as a central focus for NAC in the
ahead is to avoid the issue. What is the
after all, in struggling for NHS
abortion facilities if women the right to use them?
Mobilising the broadest possible supp-
ort against the threat of the 1967 Act re-
mains, therefore, the central task before
NAC today. Even though NAC may,
stand for free abortion on demand',
should at this stage be prepared to unite
wiin all torces wno are prepared to stand firm in a united defence of
aireday won. Unly by winning Inis Tighi will it be possible to extend our demands. Orientation
It is not enough, however, inal ine main task betore us Is detence of the 1967 Act. Concretely flowing from Inis is: wnat Is the best way of organising that defence? There would appear to
Sacred cca or contusion various tendencies in NAC on this vital question. identification as groups like the IMG & IS tended to do during the 1970 election, is to divorce the Labour Party from its social roots. Despite its limitations. make it clearly an obstacle on the to socialism, the Labour Party was born out of profound struggles and advances in consciousness and is inus, at ine same
La gain towards an independent pol¡tical voice.
It is this duality of the Labour Party -what Lenin summarised in the phrase la bourgeois Labour Party' - which has never sensitively been grasped marxist movement in Britain. ure to grasp the party's dual nature ( as a gain as well as an obstacle struggle for socialism)which is the reas-
over 75 years after its creation, the marxist left remains marginal to political life while the Labour Party grown in both size and influence.
Without such a rounded understanding, it has proved impossible to intervene in ine labour movement and implement a strategy for breaking the grip ot the labour bureaucrats over
Sectarianism, wider layers. te succombing to the 'retormist ideology ot the labour movement, has been the major impediment. Such an attitude nas,
let the labour bureaucrats off the hook since it has isolated the ists from the ranks of the labour men voic are s ova o ne Party and which still regard it as
T.
it is true to say
"is aims.
DISPENSIN
ective. opposed any and were, 3rd call.
deepening
dreds
Tion threats out that
action. period action campaign,
are cenie.
views on
itself, it Parliament,
those rights
the former
to suggest
among the
the LRC creation. that path
present,
was
components,
by une It is a fail-
in the
in the early years.
has
effectively
the 'worst a so made up
ever -a fear of
nSt-
to snow inose marxmove- ineir alms..... We Labour 'help Snowden their
we are right: i.e.
At one stage in her polemic with the IMG. Gorton suggests that the key to NAC's
growth in the comina period lies
'attitude towards Parliament'.
that a clear orientatior
to Parliament is central if the campaign
is to draw in wide support and
It is, atten all. Parliament
which has launched the offensive against
women's rignis and - in the eyes of mill-
ions - it is only Parliament at this stage
which can reverse the trend.
The fact that the campaign has not had
a serious orientation towards Parliament
- calling upon the Labour government to
abide by the democratic decision of
Labour Party Conference -has seriously
undercut its potential for growth.
such as the IMG have consistently down-
played building mass action to call upon
the government to support a woman's riahi
to choose in favour of local,
work around NHS cuts in hospitals.
While Toni Gorton is correct in criticis-
ing the IMG's mistake, however,
an almost equally bad one
of viewing NAC as a mere 'appendagel of
the Parliamentary struggle,
'lobby! with no real mass action persp-
Mass Action
NAC!s inability, over the past year,
draw in wider support than it has gained
is not only due to its lack. of a clear orien-
tation towards Parliament. It is also
to the refusal of the majority of the Steer-
ing Citee to attempt to move outwards and
build a 'mass action' campaign.
six months, the majority of the
Cttee (including Toni Gorton) vigorously
form of mass demonstration initially, opposed to the April
While NAC must see its centhal thrust
as towards Parliament - placing demands
on the Labour government to oppose any
anti-abortion moves - that opposition must
be rooted in ine independent action ot nun-
of thousands outside of Parliament.
The MPs will not move against anti abort-
of 'peaceful lobbies!
letters! but only because they feel forcec
into action by thousands breathing
their necks and demanding inat iney take
It is only by building NAC as a
drawing in ever-wider
layers, unal I win de possibie lo snow
MPs that SPUC does not speak for the
majority of women but a small unrepres-
entative minority intent on thrusting their
La women. wake its correci
to criticise groups such as the IMG
retusine lo direct Mass actor
it is equally correct to crit-
ise those who subordinate mass action to
Parliamentary moves.
It is only by linking the struggle in Parl
lament wiin inat on ine streets - seeing
as stemming out of the latter
- inal l will de possibie to bulla a really
effective opposition to the present anti -
abortion threat of the Select Cttee.
means, in particular, drawing the labour movement into action and demanding that
it call upon the government to abide
the democratic wish of party conference. Perspective This general orientation has, in the Democratic Federation* which split from
on vars It came under heavy fire its sectarian leanings from both Marx & cncers wio poinica out. in a letter to Florence Kelly in 1886: ...a millior two workingmen's votes for a bone workingmen's party is worth more,
inan a nunarea inousand for a doctrinally perfect platform!.
Ine sectarian tradition set by the SDF
to find a 'reflection' in the early
the British Socialist Party, had emerged from the SD). Willie Gallagher's dismissal of the Labour as comine more ano more uncer une influence of middle-class liberals' was to. set ine tone tor une party's orear or
It was Lenin in part¡cular wno nadio poemicise wiin sucr an infantile attitude (which went so far as lo retuse voline cavour in elections, by pointing out that the Labour Party was a pecullar barty wich may be
reactionaries' but which of !.. all the trade unions which now have a membership of over 4
He stressed, in numerous speeches and articles, inal support tor ine Labour Party was a pre-requisite for beginning
mations who still for it that it was insufficient to achieve
must tirst, ne said. and Henderson to Lova Georce in order inal on ine dasis of their own experience the majority Lne workine class will De convince ar
that the Hendersons
its Certainly,
On March 15th,
achieve Quotidien came
weekly paper of the Ligue
The ability of daily paper
ancial 2.4 million francs. the
Groups
of reporters.
fragmented
she her-
Already
of the new paper.
Los. forward for the Fourth
able to put out a 'daily'.
due coming months, With the threat of the Select For over Steering
Tons.
Tion in the early Autumn.
publicise the ous action in ine Autumn.
TUC conferences and oppose restrictions, or shown that the 'abortion'
down to vote
mass its leaders to abide by.
Trom the women's
Site for it).
for Towares
course.
If,
This
the present reactionary trend stopped. was such inat ne aavised ine Party to
in's advice
for apply for affiliation,
signed to provoke a refusal.
Struggle
fide
votes
since inc fundamental way changed. ¡cularly applicabic
period of office from 1964-70, Party the same errors of the past.
of Gallagher's earlier mistakes. Such mistakes,
Native side,
is
ship
noring the Labour Party, voted
has proved the opposite since
beat
saddle the labour movement. only be removed by correctly the party's dual character. ing the Labour Party as a step
June 76
ROUGE QUOTIDIEN
the first issue of Rouge off the press. The new
paper represents the conversion a Rouge
the Ligue to (with an estimated 15,000
circulation) is the fruit of a massive fin-
campaign which brought in over The money • has beer
used to buy new offices & the technical
equipment necessary to put out a 'daily'
• including the financing of a large staft
The paper will be brought out six times
a week & will obviously continue to rep.
resent the political views of the Ligue. It
will, at the same time however open its
columns to other left tendencies in order
group Lutte Ouvriere
has agreed to contribute to the columns
'Rouge Quotidien will, obviously face
stiff competition on the left. Neverthe.
its launching clearly marks a step International in
France where this is the first time - ir
over 50 years - that its section has been
to be concretely applied.
Committee
reporting back any day with new restrict-
it is vital that NAC sets itself
serious objective of calling for mass act-
'Tribunal', collecting evidence in suppor:
of abortion rights, should be used to help
need to mount such a vigor-
The aim of such action must be to force
the government to abide by the democ-
ratic decisions of the Labour Party and
Many Turiner The government has to be
question of individual MPs being allower
according to their 'conscience
but a class question on which the labour
movement has made a decision it wants
The struggle to make the governmer:
abide by this decision is not just a ques:-
ion of drawing masses onto the streets
student and labour
movement (although this is a pre-reau's-
This mass action mus: be -sec
as a 'springboard' for carrying ite "g":
into ine Labour party iseit. The Mrs
who lopted! off the Select Cttee earlier
this year should be given every support
in their decision to wage a campaign in une party against any Turiner restrict -
Part of this campaign should, pe to raise ine question at ine
coming Labour Party conference.
NAC is able •perioa anead, to adopt a real mass action perspective
- using this as a real 'tool" to build up
support inside the Labour Party agains the government's anti-abortion stancethere is every reason to believe tha
can be Sabina Roberts
Lenin's grasp of the importance of a sensitive orientation to the Labour Party
Communist affiliate to the Labour Party and 'split' with those sectarians in their midst who refused to agree. Unfortunately, the Communist Party did not follow Len-
and when, in 1927, they did it was in terms de-
Lenin's advice, grounded in a grasp of able today as it was over 50 years is as applic-
ago • Labour Farty nas not In any It is.partto the left reacting impressionistically to Wilson's
repeated Blackburn's comparison of Labour to the Democratic Party in the USA or Sedgewick's desc -ription of it as an lopen agency of capit. alist rule! were merely crude repetitions
which over-simplified the Labour Party and saw only its neg-
disarmed the left as it has traditionally been disarmed in its ability to intervene in the ongoing radicalisation and put forward a strategy, based on the understanding of the majority of workers to struggle against the reformist leader.
These latter will not be removed by ig-
by shouting abuse at it trom the sidelines or hoping that struggles will 'bypass' it. Histor;
figures like Callaghan and Jenkins continue
They grasp -e
Page 4 scan of this page
page 4 In our opinion London.
nade to whip up racist feeling among more backward layer
problem and supported the call to 'tighten up' on the present Act hat Blacks may be the cause of social problems
las ignored this issue for so long, must now unite in calling on labour ready discriminates against Blacks, leaders repeal such racist legislation, against any form of racist attacks. call in their press against racist moves. over a year ago. Actions count more than fine words.
in the world (bar Argentina and, claiming to be Trotskyist. It is ironical, ed than at any time in the past
The cause of this fragmentation is partly due to the present 'ebb' in the class struggle. fused 'inner debate' which has often led to splits and expulsions. the curlebe retreat of the mere movement.
The recent splits and divisions sten, precisely, veals. numbers realise the inability dynamics of the class struggle
more recently that of the Scottish people for self-determination. labour movement against the reformist leaders.
It is because of this fragmentation - which reflects
erly magazine. Such a magazine of all serious marxists - is on the basis of programinatic clarity.
obtain united action around burning issues in the class struggle
debating.
of topical importance. Its priority, however
skyist movement - which a newspaper is unsuitable for.
to it - please contact the address on the back page.
What We Stand For 10p
liverse forms - forward.
The Labour Party - Which Way?
that has grown up, world-wide, over the past decade. Abortion - A Woman's Right 15p
nd defence of the mass-action perspective of NAC in winning them The EEC - Does it matter?
moremell.
RACIST THREAT
The concrete results of this campaign have not only been the provocations of the Jational Front in Birmingham or Bradford but also a series of violent assaults on immigrants nationally which led last month to the murder of two Asian students in
'he reaction of labour leaders has been worse than spineless. Far from chall nging Powell and his ilk, leading figures have admitted that iminigration can be
they play right into the hands of lash. Such a spineless aftitude can also be detected in the TUC which has made 'acist demagogues and open up the ranks of the labour movement to a racist back. the call for less 'work permits' part of its 'fight' against unemployment. as enored this issue for allowed to now alle in a The on abst leadersh o answer the racist offensive by repealing the present Immigration Act which al-
At the same time as demanding the socialists should call on the labour movement to support the formation of self-defence committees by the black community The question is not an incidental one; it is vital. It is not enough for the left
It is necessary for them to turn such a stance into concrete action by supporting now the campaign launched by
NEW MAGAZINE
During the past few years, the British left grew dramatically. In no other country
possibly howeve these forces should be more divid- France) does there exist so many radicals that at precisely that time when
to see the need for an alternative to the left of the Labour and Communist Parties - - naturally demoralising for those who have begun
The temporary retreat of the labour movement in the face of recent attacks has thrown the left groups into a con-
however, to see the fragmentation as stemming merely from a catalyst in forcing the left to face up to its lack of political clarity over the past This 'retreat' has acted no more than as
of groups such as IS or the IMG to relate to the real from the tact lat giowais
their inability to integrate these issues in an overall strategy of struggle within the
hat the LSA has decided to change Socialist Action from a monthly paper into a quart- above all,
is seen, at this stage, as the nost fruitful way contributing to the theoretical debate at present taking place on the left. The only way the existing disunity can lead to regroupment - which must be the aim
time to attempt to clarify those broader politícal issues which the left is presently
The new magazine (which will be called Socialist Action) will take up, as now, issues key theoretical questions facing marxists today - including the tradition of the Trot- will be to present a clear position on
If you would like further details about the magazine - or would like to subscribe
LSA PAMPHLETS Prices include post and packing.
in analysis of the current radicalisation and a strategy for taking it - in all its
30p before xine aluation of the Labour Party and the problem it has posed, historically, Revolutionary Dynamics of Women's Liberation 25p A marxist analysis of the roots of women's oppression and the struggle for liberation
he key nature of abortion rights, in the struggle by women for their liberatior
10p An analysis of the EEC and the ongoing debate it has provoked within the labour
By admitting
Labour strike.
Tories,
to fully recovered.
CRIA *
ernment ana unions. basis of mass
Line miners-
contract. Within two years,
Nation: a draconian pay social well over the million mark.
TUC Connivance It is also shown in
able to ram home
political confusion -
While trying to ations it is vital at the same
the norm -
standards. to the forefront in denouncing
in the Tribune group as indeed,
Wing to oppose Ine social service cuts.
even token opposillon broad ranks
le;
LABOUR &
perspective.
Tion to the cown ine line Tory one. the call by The
was simple
Healev: Making us pay more, so the bosses aon t.
The present Labour government was retürned to office on the backs of the miners!
That strike, provoked py ine led to the downfall of the Heath government and plunged it into a 'leadership crisis! from which it hasn't, as yet, Labour's return to office represented, in this sense, a dramatic shift in the re- gains, lation of class forces since the Tories were defeated in what was widely regarded as a trial of strength! between the gov-
It signitied ine tales leaders. (and most important) set-back in a whole series of attempts to 'curb' the unions that had led Heath into the realms of incomes policy, the Industrial Relations Ac and deliberately promoting unemployment sánds, Labour may have been returned on the
action in which ruling circles - disturbed at the combattivity of
retained deep scepticism about its ability to ' impose ' the social
nowever, the deal cooked up with the TUC has enabled Labour to impose on a combattive and undefeated movement what the Tories were quite unable to achieve through confront-
• treeze, record service cuts and a jobless total
alvsis is not. been able to men has of sensel
these through collaboration with the TUC lead -ers la fact it has frequently waved in the face of the left of the party to 'mute! opposition). The same union leaders who were previously giving token support to strike action against the Tories' Industrial Rel-
Act have rusnea to aetena gover'ment policy before their own members
Despite the fact that the Social Contract was soon proved a fraud - the jobless total soaring even though wages towed!
at no stage has the T.U.C. worked out alternative policies and sought to mobilise the rank-and-file in support of them This was most graphically Snowl at last year's Labour Party Conference ition in where hardly a breath of opposition met Healey's call for drastic cuts! in living
Figures like Jack Jones were even the lukewarm criticism of his erstwhile allies
cently, he rebuked them publicly for dar-
government's savage
This refusal by Labour leaders to mount
explains why the of the labour movement prepared to 'topple! Heath shortly before such as IS,
have been paralysed in the face of the
Wilson offensive. such a paralysis' does
not stem from an unwillingness to strugg- ions,
it stems from the tact inal.
SOCIALIST ACTION revealed at Chrysler, no alternative can yet be seento the policies of their leaders that can give their militancy a political
The TUC have been quick to seize on this to suggest inal dry opposit-
Social Contract can only bring government and return a hard-
Allegiance This 'retreat! by the labour movement over the past period has undoubtediy disoriented the left which had earlier interpreted the mass struggles (such as the miners! strike) as a sign that layers in ine unions were moving to the lett outside the grip of the Labour Party. short-sighted position was , at the root of
IS and by the IMG for virtual abstention in the 1970 election.
Terror made by these groups (and still continued today in the case of the IS)
They confused the militancy its willingness to struggle in defence of gains won, with a political evolution to the left of the Labour Party. This was a major mistake. The rash of strikes that took place against the Tories - and which led to Heath's downfall - was.merely the instinctive reaction of the class to defend the gains made during the post-war boom years. While engaged in defence (on a sectoral basis ) of these
it hadn't yet seriously begun to translate that militancy at an industrial level into a fighting programme that could pose a real challenge to that of the Labour
This is wny, despite the disillusion with Wilson, millions continued to vote Labour and in 1974 return a minor -ity Labour government,
While willing to down tools in their thou-
while militant and prepared to struggle, the vast majority of the labour movement continued to retain their alleg¡ance to the Labour Party - the party they built - and to support its actions. That is why they remained paralysed in the face of the offensive Wilson launched against their living standards and actually labided by the norms laid out in the Social Contract, with a tew exceptions.
Discontent
Understanding this allegiance is central
to grasping the dynamic that will open up
in the coming period. present oar.
of course, permanent but is
already beginning to change as the real
implications of the Social Contract bite home. The large scale opposition building
up in unions such as the NUM or the UCA.
TT to the latest stage in the 'pay deal!
are clear indications or discontent that
can, in the coming months and years, lead
to mass conflicts.
Precisely because, however, the mass
of workers still retain their allegiance to
the Labour Party, this growing discontent
will more and more find a reflection in -
side the party in a series of struggles &
conflicts with the right - wing'. Such a
trend will be a major step forward since
it is only by translating this millancy al
an industrial level into a political oppos-
the Labour Party that a really
effective challenge can be made to present
government policies.
Such a challenge cannot be mounted by
ignoring the Labour Party as IS advocates
(thereby holding workers back mere
defensive struggles). It can only be made
by building opposition in the Labour Party
to put the Labour leaders on the spot and
make them answerable to a party which
was built by the unions to protect its int-
Despite the syndicalist notions of groups
such a trend has already be-
gun to take place. The large vote for Fooi
and Benn in the recent leadership elect -
the abstention by the Tribune group
on the government's social service CUIS
Page 5 scan of this page
June 76
HE LEFT
by A.Scott
and the sponsoring of the May 26th rally against unemployment by 40 MPs are part of this process at work. acuions are still 'contained' by centrist forces confused and limited expression.
process that will grow over the coming period as ever-wider layers begin to demand that their party built and vote for - implement policies in their interests.
Socialist Policies
Understanding the continued allegiance of the Labour movement to the Labour Party key to thrust socialists should be fighting for to structure the wide-scale opposition building up. It is only by correctly gauging the continued illusions still retain in their party that it will be
gle policies that can challenge those the right-wing.
Those groups that make | Kick out the government! their main thrust commit, this sense, a major error. of workers, Labour government is to replace it with the only viable alternative today: a Tory or, possibly, a position largued by groups such as the WRP) alienates socialists from the broad mass of labour suoporters -present government is preferable to one of the class enemies - and plays into the hands of the TUC leaders who unceasingly inal opposition to ine Contract can only lead to a return of the
Socialists do not call for kicking out! the present government insofar as that government is preferable to one of Tories or a coalition government. they do call for is that the labour movement should insist that this government implement policies in the interests of working people who put it there. calling on the present government to implement pollcies in ine interest of mass base - and not those pro-Tory ones which aenate ts possibility of a Tory come-back - that socialists can gain a hearing in the ranks of the labour movement.
Demanding the interests of their members will make it possible to draw ever - wider into struggle. struggle - taking place both in the streets and factories and reflected inside the Labour Party itself - that more and more people will begin to of the leadership of the Callaghans (and Benns) and the need for a clear alternative based on socialist policies. Mass Action
Building such an unis sense, pious resolutions in ward meetings (as in the case of the Militant group) often unrelated to the real struggles taking place
Calling on the Labour leaders to outside. molement cicar porcies in une interests of working people has to have its roots in the independent action of wide layers involved in struggle around demands soc¡alists consciously fight for in the mass movernient.
Such struggles should include those stemming from the fight by women for liberation (as that recently pioneered by the National Abortion Campaign), by Black people against racism and anti-imperialist Struggles sucr launched by TOM to withdraw the troops from Ireland. of course, cratic rights and living standards of the labour movement which are being increasingly threatened.
• A sliding scale of wages i should be raised to fight inflation, works programme! coupled with a Sliding Scale of hours' to meet growing unemploy ment. Closures and redundancies should be met with calls for ' Nationalisation un-
Workers' Control' (particularly by workers occupying the plants). upon the met by 'Hands off the Unions' and attacks on the freedom of collective bargaining by 'No Wage Freeze'.
It is by participating in and building mass actions around clear anti-capitalist demands, and directing these towards the Labour Party, that increasing layers will
confronted on the
Of course, sucH
which deliberately give them a
They the first steps in a
Line party iney LITe Main It is
wide layers
in For the mass to call for kicking out the
coalition government. Such
which for whom the
point out Social
the What
It is by
its
base and create the
the Labour leaders act in
layers
It is in the course of this
see the inadequacy
opposition is not, to contine onselt to passing
their
those
that
They should also include, those in defence of the demo-
La ' Bold Public
Attacks unions' independence should be
party
means, Dans
basis struggle
gles towards the Labour Party, allows them to gain a 'focal point', not mean a subordination to 'parfiamentary procedure!. On the contrary, encouraging at all times independent action and demanding that the Labour leaders implement demands stemming action, that ever-wider layers will see through the reformists whose allegiance
more to a system property than to the interests of the workers' movement.
Struggle
only on the basis of mass action outside the party that the struggle against the labour leaders in the party can assume any 'weight!. The error made by such as Militant - and which is, itself, a sign of their adaptation to the sterile tradition of the labour bureaucrats who fear independent action like the plague precisely the tact that their bious res -olution passing is quite unconnected with any real living struggle.
It is one thing to call leaders to withdraw the troops from Ireland from the relative isolation of a ward meeting; it is quite another to do so ine basis of mass action in
can serve as the basis for calls in une party. ine crowine ooposition in the party must be a live opposition, one struggling for policies ing tens of thousands outside only reflects the actions in the streets but actually helps, in turn, It is through the inter-action ion outside and a tendency programmaticaliv reflecting that action inside that the hegemony of the successfullv challenged.
One of the main tasks of such a struggle inside the party must be consciously avoid the mass opposition building up be-i ing 'headed' away by the centrist currents such as that at present developing between the 'left! Labour MPs and the Communist Party which called for the action on May 26th against unemployment. It is, of course, perfectly correct to gain the maximum unity on concrete issues against the rightwing (such as that recently obtained when certain Labour MPs supported the demand for 'Troops out of Ireland now!.) While correct to get unity on given issues. quite wrong, however, itical positions for the sake of gaining a ¡false alliancel or unity.
Certain left groups, such as the particular, recovering from the 'ultraleft' errors on the Labour Party, grave mistake in inis sense recently wner calling for support for ership stakes despite the tact that Bennis programme was totally interests of the mass of working people. Subordinating politics to gain such alliances win centrist lorces is to credie ulusions in such forces in the eyes of thousands. The fact that the I.M. G. supported in this by the ICL, had an ultra-left position Party earlier, is ortunist dangers that can period ahead.
Democracy
Building mass opposition outside and inside the deans one covernment. present policies, almost naturally
That issue has already been concretely raised recently in the notorious Newham where the local CLP decided to remove its MP Reg Prentice for refusino to abide by the Manifesto. will become increasingly important in the period ahead since the labour movement nas the right not only lo leadership to implement demands in its interests but also to hold those leaders to account if they refuse to abide by cratic decisions of conference.
Concretely, struggle for democracy in the unions into the party by demanding that the Parliamentary Labour Party be answerable to
conference - where the bloc vote dominates. In calling upon the government to abide Dy there must also be the fullest possible democralic discussion at conterence which
concretely, the ana roscrollons Aci so inal all political tendencies in ine labour ment have the right to express their poin of view.
land, wnico does
it is by
from InTS MODS
. based on private
groups
upon the Labour
the streets such inem noos.
actively concern- around the
which not by wholesale
to promote them.
areas n wait. of mass act-
Labour leaders can be
the Catholics. to subordinate pol-
IMG in
made a
Benn in the lead-
opposed to the
was who itself on the Labour an indication of the opp
seven years, arise in the ing out
years,
pose time,
Case of Isolved'
ICs.
Such an issue for defence of
call UDOn
demoin inis sense, this means carrying the
union
conference decisions
removal of the
movedrawn,
Wasn't the entry of troops into N Ire-
in 1969, to protect the Catholics against the threat of imminent pograms?
While the Labour government certainly posed it this way, protection of ine minority was ineir last concern. Late in 1969, they were faced with a situation were ine struggle tor cIvi rights had unleashed forces threatenine une wore stabiliv or uisier line 'state' that was created, back in 1921 agains ne wisnes or ine majory ol the Irish people). Civil rights marches were being antacked by ine orange
'No go! areas were being set up in ine carnolic gnetioes. Mass discontent was building up in the South.
The aim of sending in British troops was clear: it was not to prevent 'pog rams' (as Callaghan pretended) but to restore the 'status quo' in 'Ulster! which was tast disintegrating and to crush the nationalist revolt.
But didn't the Catholic ghettoes in the early stages (despite the IRA) welcome the troops as a peace-keeping force to defend them?
It's true that, in the early stages, the Catholic ghettoes did look upon troops as a peace-keeping torce 1o 'defend' them against the Orange mob. It dian't take inem long, nowever, discover the army's real role: to restore ine status cud' dased or systematic discrimination against
nousing, education and even voting rights.
The dismantling of the barricades
Catholic 'No Go' areas was me Hirst sted.
intimidation of these over ine vears. dreds have been interned in concent -ration camos. inousands put behind bars and others - as on Bloody day - murdered in cold blood. While the troops have systematically brutalised the nationalist minority who have merely been demanding basic democratic rights), they have turned a 'blind eye' to the sectarian acts of violence permormed by the Loyalists para military groups against •Isn't it true that only the presence of the troops has prevented , over the
virtual civil war break -in N. Ireland?
opposite is true. The troops are in Ireland to 'prop up' a sectarlan system wnich, Tor ine bas
has treated the Catholics as secone class cilizens. Their repressive role not only alienates the nationalist minority but. al une saltie
re-inforces the idea among the Loyalists that their problems can be
at the expense of the CatholConfident that the troops protect them, the Loyalists are couraged to press ever more firmly
their caste privileges.
The refusal of the Loyalist blocover the years to countenance any form of 'power-sharing' and the growth 'para military' groups indulging sectarian violence is proof of this.
the role of the army. alienating the nationalist minority & encouracine ine covalisi malorlly lu press for defence of its privileges, Creates coconnin easily 'overspill' into a blood-bath. Far from being a 'peace- keeping force (as Rees would suggest) the
peace in the Six Counties.
•But surely if thortroops were with-
the sectarian violence
Dave Macleod argues the importance of:
TROOPS OUT NOW
withdrawn.
soldiers at sireets or berry
Mary recime
over 50 vears ado. we can be certain.
wing backlash.
sharing! and the ian
the
calm down?
advocated by the Ine
in N. Ireland.
ionalist minority.
Such concern
nun.
Sun should withdraw them.
Ash people alone.
PELV
past Ireland?
elementary
by lour! government. however,
will Birmingham bombings.
Fire workers' movement.
5.
Idle 'sixties.
would not only, would of their social problems.
page
It is not up to us to speculate o what could happen if the troops are
The facts are that the army has no right to be in Ireland & never has had such a right. The
present 'patrolling' the Belfast there to prop up a bigoted, reaction-
imposea on the mass o the Irish people (against their will)
I ney are inere to continue to deny the Irish people the right to determine their oW. future - a future which they alone have the right to determine.
While we have no right to speculate about what could happen if the
of one thing are wiinarawn, The (continued presence of these troops | encouraging the Lovalists to adopt ever more. intransigent position in fence of their privileges ) is ever now preparing the way for a right-
The recent terusa of Loyalist hard-liners ( such Paisley) to even consider 'power-
growth in sectar, violence by the Loyalist par a military groups confirms this.
•Wouldn't it be better to 'phase out' the withdrawal of troops over a period of time to allow the existing tensions to
indeed, been Communist Party (among others) who hold ul inetr hands in 'horror! at the atrocities
They also call for 'Bill of Rights' to protect the nat-
is sheer right rist since it recognises the 'right! the troops to be in Ireland in the first place and the 'right! of a British Parliament to decide when it
such a pos ition 'overlooks' the fact that British MPs have no right whatever dictate what takes place in Ireland since that right belongs to the Iri-
•But why exactly is it in the interests of the British labour movement to fight for the withdrawal of troops from N
In the first place, of course, calling for the withdrawal of the troops is ar
Fact ot solidarity witt oppressed people denied basic rights
More In!s campaigning for their with. •rawa. cane surenotner and uni: the labour movement in the face of growing attempts to dividel it bi • playing on centuries-old prejudices. Only last year, the government whippec up mass anti-Irish feeling around the
It used this :. violently split the labour movement & push through the Anti-Terrorism Ac: which violates the rights of the ent-
The demons:. rations in the Midlands were sorr e of the most reactionary seen since those in support or rower in ine
Campaigning to withdraw the troops
in this sense, direc: contribute to ine treeaom struggle the Irish people but would be an integral part of defending (and extending democratic rights in Britain. Of course such a campaign will have to strugg e against the centuries or antl - ris prejudice that has been built up. Fa':ure to do so will, nowever, be use. by the right (as they use racism ars sexism, to alvide ine labour moves and turn it away from the real ca-s
Page 6 scan of this page
ITS ROOTS
minent black revolutionary Malcolm X made the point:
soclely, we're such an underdog,
'e were diways mis way.. ".
Malcolm was, of course, ciode the myth that the Jim Crow svstem
under which Blacks had been persecuted or 200 years
Never since Ine slave trade at the end of the eighteenth
- was in some wav a natural! It is a vital starting point existence. since the racism to which Blacks constantly subjected-either in the USA • britain - resis upon ine caretully -suilt assumption that they are 'naturally'
terior and that inis interiority has aii ays existed.
snaterina inis mvin was. as Malcolm x ‹new, only too easy.
= meant ine systemalic oppression of a -ace on the grounds that they are subruman or interior is a relatively mooern phenomenum which only seing with the development of capitalist society. The indignity and humiliation to •nich diack people are suolectea today in the ghettoes of London or New York • a not exist ln pre-capitalisi limes.
Precedent
George Brietman. a leading Black mar•'st, stresses this point in his
Anti-Negro Prejudice' when suggesting : "at 'race prejudice' is a 'uniquely cap-
: alist phenomenum'. : -ai early slave-owning societies up to ¡eudal times were based on many diverse •arms or oppression - cultural, class c -eligious - but that this oppression was -e: er that of a race considered 'natural
interior.
arielman gives numerous examples 01 -ace relations in pre-feudal slave soc= es to prove his point. _enminent anthropologist Oliver Cox on
me early Egyptians' who - :ne Negroes to the south of them. They e-slaved them and spoke scornfully : nem but', Cox adds, 'they were just as scornful of the Asiatic sand-dwellers or -moscalytes who were lighter than
hat it was a cultural discrimination ir Evot can be seen.. Cox continues, *ac: that many of the Negroes, once cap.rec in baltle were chowed to •enerrate Egyptian society once they 'accepted' its • alues and became rnaroans inemselves. -ne cultural discrimination car equally de delecied in orner anning societies such as the Greeks or "omans were ina brown points out inat -e former'... had a cultural and not a -acial standard ot belonging so inat ine sasic alvision in ine worla was between Ereeks and Barbarians..'.
slave and master in nues that.. ine E-eece were usually of and there was no occasion shysica type win slave status'.
The same picture is true of all different socieles from the Roman empire dowr
carian invasion of Europe. » the Moslems, in the era of political comination by the Catholic church. There •ere divisions, discrimination and antagonism of class, culture and of religior sut none along race or colour lines. ate as the 15th century, A:rican slave trade to Fortugal pegan, ine 'rationalisation! for enslavement Slacks was not inal iney were aui because they were not Christians. Racial Roots
Racism - the idea that Black people were, in themselves, naturally 'inferior!
MALCOLM X
His Writings:
By Any Means Necessary Malcolm X Speaks
The Autobiography of Malcolm X
Malcolm X on Afro-American History
Malcolm X Talks to Young People Two Speeches by Malcolm X
Malcolm X evolded unned down in 1965,
"ichter in the USA.
blacks the need to define their own history,
= rerolutionary - one of the greatest of our period.
RACISM
Speaking to a large black audience on Afro-American history back in 1965, the proio have a balanced mind in this society without going into the past because,
we're trampled upon, -othing. Now, if we don't go into the past and find out how we got this way, welll think
trying to ex-
mass antering trom
are Racism - by which
came into
the 19th century.
pamphlet were sold to the
This is not to deny
manufacturers, shippers anke.
Tion of fifty million.
Contradiction He quotes the
"looked down nowever
waninet the other. It was
Tons or slaves like callie,
There 'justified' on the grounds siave -
Brown con-
the same race to associate thrown overboard'.
in the reign tradel for pillage
the British Empire.
As when the West
of Indoctrination Iblack'
Sampie
during his briet 1, Malcolm had begun to show thousands of
ip and fight for them. In his evolution as a black freedom fighter convinced that this struggle would have to be related (though never sacrificed) to a broader struggle by all the oppressed against capitalism. His writings are those of
by Bob Swart
"It's impossible for you and me in this we're looked upon as almost
began to develop at a later stage of soclai development. cox points out inal ine concept of 'natural' or biological races
one anoiner mentalv as well as physically 'only began to grow
firmly established by this time, its roots can in tact be traced back io ine blade and rape of Africa and India over a hundred years before by the newly emerging Itrading nations' of Britain and Holland.
These new trading nations found in the under-developed world enormous profits not on v in the excontan n dra sources but also of human beings whom Inev sniooed as saves. in inel millions to work on the vast cotton plantations of Carolina or sugar plantations in the West Indies. It was out of the vast profits gath-
slave trade that the new capitalist class was able to ¡financel its industrialisation process ir
The process was simple. Manufactured goods were taken to Africa and traded lor slaves, ine slaves were sloped in their millions to the West Indies Southern States of America where thei
sugar and cotton plantations and the ships returned to Britain loaded with sugar or cotton (for the manufacturing industry). The triangular
trade cared proration pror tod
plantation owners
exact number of Africans who crossed the Atlantic in chains stands in the reg-
This barbaric trade in slaves created,
La certain contradiction for the new trading nations that had broken out of the 'feudal stranglehold'. The break with feudalism had taken place under the
of 'the rights of man' in which no human being was the property of an-
difficult to reconcile the "rents or man win inedi lace ot Atrica and Asia and the transportation of mill-
to America to be soid, to the highest bidder.
ine growin or racism has its roots in the attempt to defend this barbaric system. Slaverv and the rape of Africa was
that black people were suonuman' or 'uncivilised': their denial of elementary rights was "justitied' on ine grounas inat iney were 'naturally inferior', Dramatic evidence
court case of 1873 where a captain had been accused of throwing overboard 132 slaves through shortage of water. The judge ruled that !.. the case of the Slaves was the same as if horses had been
It was on the basis of this ideology that countries such as Britain not only continued to reap profits out of the 'slave
many vears but to extend their of the 'Third World' over the centuries that went into the creation of
A moral support for inis laeology was round in pseudo-scientific trappings and Biblical
quotations, many of which are still with us today.
The anti-black virus took some time in taking hold of the working population... During the American Civil War, for ex-
Lancashire cotton workers organised massive protests against slavery into the most prominant black freedom
demand their rights and to stand Malcolm became
in the Southern States despite the fact
inal leopardised ineir loos.
years, however, the myth of black infer-
orly created to.Justlry enormous pro-
fiteering began to seep into all layers
of society.
This was facilitated by the fact that the
British workers' movement was able to
enjoy, even in the worst periods of re-
cession, a relatively privileged positior
due to the enormous
ruling class out of the exploitation of
the 'colonies!
workers ichaca to Dencrit out oTinisex.
ploitation opened them up increasingly to
racist ideas and enabled them to identify
with the myth of the 'British Empirel &
against ine independence struggles
colonial workers and peasants.
This backward attitude on the part of
the labour movement was pinpointed
both Marx and Engels,
in a letter of 1882
merrily devour alongside them (i. e.
ruling class) the fruits of the British col-
onial monopoly!. 300 years of colonial
rule have imprinted racism more on the
British working class than perhaps or
that of any other country.
This is not to sav.
mass of workers go round insulting
attacking black people.
that many of them are still prey to a host
of misconceptions about blacks which can
be detected in the idea that 'we civilised 'them' or Ibefore we went to Africa, were swinging in the trees'. This
of comment is only a popular version of
the idea advanced by scientific quacks
such as Eysank that Blacks are innately
less intelligent than whites
The poisenous feedback of racism into the workers' movement century mainly through the young con -script armies (made up of young workers) who fought in the colonial wars of Mal-
aysia and Kenya.
be indoctrinated with typical Imperialist contempt in the same way as the Americ-
an Gls fighting in Vietnam who referred
#peration rignters as gooks'.
Feedback
This feedback has been particularly
Cancerous. nowever, Decause or ine heavy influx of blacks into Britain after ine war. encouraged Dy lory Ministers to fill the 'labour shortage' that was developing. Blacks were urged to emigrate to Britain particularly to fill the large
laaps' growing in the service industries
such as transport, health and catering
The influx of Black immigrants (now 2% of the population) has tended to create a
years. The innate racism of British soc-
lely, created over suv years or colonia:
rule, is no longer merely directed at the Icolonies! but at thousands of Black people who have been forced to settle in this country. plicit in the very immigration laws that discriminate against those trying enter on the basis of colour)affects the majority of black people at every level of their lives.
In the first place, they are discriminated against in employment, being limited generally to the most menial jobs on low pay and denied almost all chances of real promotion. Secondly, they are forced by 'private racketeering! into the worst slum housing & the worst schools where there is an inbuilt bias against equal opportunities for black children (as the nigr percentage in ESN schools shows).
The general sitiation in which Biacks find themselves in Britain is one of being second-class citizens denied same rights as white workers. cently passed 1971 Immigration ensures, at the same time, power is placed in the hands of the ice to rob inem or even elementary
They can be arrested without a rignts. warrant (if suspected of being an illegal immigrant) and those who entered after 1971 deported without right of appeal. Labour
The generalised (almost legalised) racism confronting black people has, up
received To Teal broad ranks of the labour movement. thoulch many trade unions nrocaim
uver the
unemployment.
profits made by the
The fact that British
Luca to grow changing.
and
La more ugly form.
by
Ine later noting that '.. the workers Taster or course unalne
For to analcale
they type
years. continued this outla wed.
These soldiers had to
activities of
ism Act, Sabotagé Act
May 23rd
UNREST
uggles in Angola
La present reality
Johannesburg). 16 This innate racism (im-
majority rule". to PROTESTS
don monthly 'Africa'
namesours station.
those The reAct 28th, for enough pol-
joining a union. attack from the Al-
SOCIALIST ACTION
stand up for their rights at work or more generally in society. attitude by TUC leaders - calling for Indeed, ine latest reduction in 'work permits! - quite openly blames blacks for being at the root
Up until the present, apart from the sporadic race riots in Notting Hill in the 1960s, there has been little popular action based on race hatred. This was no doubt due to the fact that full employment and rising living standards contin-
This situation is rapidly With what seems a permanent jobless pool, worsening living standards
deteriorating social services, the centuries of racial prejudice could take
Certainly, that race hatred is being fanned by demagogues! such as Enoch Powell, and the refusal of the labour leaders to fight it - indeed to concede to it - can only fan it even
Vorster ups'
repression
Faced with new signs of unrest among South Africa's more than twenty million Blacks, the racist Vorster regime is stepping up its repressive acts Since March more than 0 Black activists have been arrested, most of them under the Terrorism Act in connection with an alleged "guerrilla network" that has been operating in South Africa for six
Many were former members of the African National Congress,
ПО И
Besides those charged with guerrilla activities, many other former members of the ANC and the South African _Con-
ANC) have been detained. Some have been charged with carrying out
the ANC and the South
The apartheid regime already has : large array of repressive laws which it can use against political dissidents, including the Suppression of Commun-
the Terrorism Act and the Evidently, the Vorster regime considers these inadequate. On
, it promoted another 'new"
Bill, the Promotion of State Security Bill. Under it anyone suspected of 'er dangering state security' can be detained without a trial, bail or legal counsel for up to a year.
The stepped-up repression in South Africa comes at a time when the black alasses are snowme sons or greater unrest. The successful liberation strin neighbouring Zimbabwe) have sent anu. more recentsy. shock waves through South Africa. The prospect of majority rule no longer seems a pipe-dream of the future bul
An indication of the new mood among Blacks was the March 14th rally in Soweto (the all-black township outside
Drawing a crowd of
, 000 it was organised by the Inkatha yeNkululeko yeSizwe (National Cultural Liberation Movement) & addressed buthelezi had formerly supported the Chief Buthelezi of the Zulus. government's separate development' scheme of granting 'independence' to the various Black Bantustans scatter' ed throughout South Africa. But at the rally he denounced the scheme, saying: "..those who are attempting to divide the land of our birth are attempting to stem the tide of history". After making relerence to une suruggie In Angola and Zimbabwe, he demanded that the entire country move toward
Within several days of the Soweto rally, a protest was staged in Johannesburgagainst the trial of the SASO 9
, the protest"... developed into a four-hour long battle with the police and a white mob when Blacks going to catch trains after worr hoined the station ation outside JoSimilar protest actions have taken place ensewnere -as In me memoriai service on March 21st for those who died in the Sharpville massacre - and have become intertwined with growin militancy in the factories. On Marcl
example several hundred Black workers rallied outside the Heinmann factory in Germiston to protest the firing of the whole Black worktorce after they had demanded Such actions are likely to increase in the future as Blacks become ever-more inspired by the struggles which sre occuring in the rest of Southern
they can be supportea in te fight against apartheid by socialists in this countrv calling upon the Lab. our government to live up to its antiracist rhetoric by halting - all
Page 7 scan of this page
UNION LEADERS
This year's conference met in the sha-
dow of Healey's massive social services
The impact of these cuts (lopping
dor million ott the educational
in the years ahead) is beyond
Class sizes will climb upwards.
school building programme will grind to
a halt and many school leavers,
ing due to poor job prospects,
inadequate resources.
Worse than this, the cuts will have an
immediate impact on teachers' job pros-
already estimated
jobless lolai Sianas at 5, 000.
backs will ensure that this figure jumps
to 15,000 by September as newly quali-
fied teachers cannot get a post and older
teachers are 'phased out! under the new
¡redundancy' scheme (discussed at Con-
ference).
Faced with this large-scale attack by
the government, une man task
the Conference was clear:to work out a
red strategy inal could begin to chall-
enge the government's priotities by call-
ing on the labour movement as a whole to help defend educational standards. Jobless Figure
What was startlingly obvious, was that teacher leaders such as Fred Jarvis had no coherent policy at all in fighting the cuts that are looming ahead.
While deploring them verbally (as done the TUC), their main role at Conference was to stifle any potential osition among the rank and threaten them with new 'disciplinary' procedures.
This was most clearly seen on the issue of teacher unemployment which, many newly-qualified teachers unable to find a post, is assuming quite serious
Last month's Scottish TUC saw a serious opposition em
Contract.
Chancellor.
While calling for 'early reflation" with the Chancellor' to obtain a higher ceiling. STIRLING RESOLUTION
alternative.
those threatening large-scale redundancies. It is no wonder, AUEW, but upon those proposed by the Stirling Trades Council. delegates, of leading a "...
STEP FORWARD Jones' red-baiting tactics were not too sucessful, being backed by delegates from NALGO, members they the TUC) who are trying to ram through pro-Tory policies. step forward.
BACK DOWN
proportions.
budget arspute.
The Fred Mulley. return- At present, will tace
that the The cut-
for smaller classes eed of a job. icy, before their own members.
Ference schemes tor
however,
has Wages
opp- TIle & ers' jobs,
Will
SAYS
TC
EDUCATION. TS 1975 500 IN INNER LoAD*
1976
SCOTTISH TUC
to continue seling the Social Contract tightened by the 49% to to lead ens' attes. ts
Jack Jones, While prepared to tolerate criticism of the pay deal (as too low), his main aim was to win support for the 1UC's position of negotiating greater flexibility from the Iron Opposition to this position was not spearheaded by the Com nunist Party who have long had a firm base in the Scottish TUC (traditionally more 'militant' than its English counter.
CP leaVers eate gue eling to sutort the to control seeing an eding estent.
The real opposition to these class collaborationist policies came from the delegates of
the resolution advocated opposing all forms of wage condo. It also called
ration by a rising scale of wages and unemployment by a 35-hour week. on union leaders to demand the 'opening of the books' of large companies & nationalising concentrated their fire not upon the ineffectual and divisive policies of the that Jones, Jones indulged in a hysterical form of red-baiting, clear attack on the TUC and the Labour government, a clear attack on millions of workers - Tory central office would be proud of its approach".
nowever was able to pick up (on a card vote) the support of about one third of a million workers. i was probably coming increasing clear to rese and the come o represent - that the real attack upon the labour movement was not being made by the stirling delegates but by the Labour government (and their supporters in
The support won for clear class-struggle policies at the Scottish TUC is an important
It is policies such as these - strengthened bv others counteracting anv attempt to discriminate against women or immigrant workers - which will have to be consciously fought for in the coming period in trade union and Labour Party branches. 'Ihis is the only way that ever-wider lavers can be drawn into struggla to build unl
While aware that the pre-
sent figure will escalate beyond 15, 000
the years to come, teacher leaders
did their utmost to stifle any concrete
action that would jeopardise their work-
ing 'relation' with Education Minister
in only 3 out of 104 LEA's does the NUT operate its policy of refuSing to 'cover for members absent more than 3 days. Union leaders refused even to support the minimal action of extending this nationally which would have helped to 'soak up! many young teachers
at present on the dole queues. Certainly, there was not even a mention of fighting
as the only wav of ensuring that all teachers are guarant-
kather than challenge dovernment nol_
the Executive was, it seemed, looking for every way of applying it against
This was revealed In is attempt to smuggle through Confer.
'compulsory redundancy! of teachers over 50. At first, they tried to suggest that this was merely question of 'early retirement! not worthy
Only when the left managed to gain the suspension of standing orders did the Executive admit that it would give the local authorities the right to dismiss teachers as iney saw tit.
Not content with bartering away teach-
the Executive stance proposed 3% wage norm (now 42%) was even shabbier. They refused to debate it. Despite the fact that the left tried raise ine issue by calling tor the suspension of standing orders, the Execut -
Photo• John Sturrock (Report)
IIACHiN P Brain
original architect of the Social
import controls' and 'increased investment' alongside other leaders of the GMWU and the
CP In order to isolate the stirling accusing the resolution
The Stirling resolution
AULW/ 1ADD UCATT and the
by Dave Picton
ive resisted the challenge and managed
to pull a majority of delegates.
The refusal of the Executive to debate
out this key issue was quite obvious.
was to avold naving to show that
wages' policy (calling for increases ' to
nothing more than bluff that would
dropped as soon
We can be sure that they will, in
submit a claim within the 47% norm cook-
ed up by the TUC and government
Jarvis has been a foremost defender
' uv policy.
Such a position will,
teachers exposed in the months ahead to
an ever-eroded pay packet as 'inflation'
increases.
hit more than other workers since inc-
reases in social security payments have
halved the £6 limit received last year.
More inan ever betore
to raise the issue of an lescalator! clause
(protecting wages automatically against
price rises) which was posed in the Lam-
Dem wai resolution.
Discipline
There can be no doubt that the Exec -
utive's ability to ram through these pol-
icies was due,
apathy existing among the
delegates. This apathy still exists partly
because the education cuts have not yet
begun to bite and partly because the re-
cent Houghton award has partly cushion-
ed many against the real effects of infla-
tion, over ine past year
The Executive is obviously aware, how
ever, that this apathy could easily begin
lo break down in ine
wage packets are further eroded and un-
anyhem begins to escalate. to stifle growing opposition against their toothless policies, inev same time a major attack against the democratic rights of union members. This was most clearly revealed in the 'disciplinary! procedures outlined which were accompanied by the left in the union (described by Jarvis as 'diversionary elements by minority & seclarian groups')
Under the De suspended Dy otticers it they consider there is a prime facie case against them. From that moment, they are barred trom attending union meetings; are denied any eye representation al ine nearing' and cannot call witnesses; and only have right of appeal to the National Executive
While this attack on democratic rights was opposed by the left as a whole (with the exception of (Per Max Morris), the new rulings were accepted bv a majority. They are sure to be used by the Executive in the coming months against militant members who Lane action ne schoo cans ans cuts without first securing 'officiall ton support.
Tasks Ahead
The fact that the NUT leaders were able to ram these policies through Conference is an indication of the illusions still held by the majority of teachers. which was isolated at Conference & onlv able to seriously challenge the Executive on a few issues such as the 'redundancy! agreement, is going to have to develop a far more serious and systematic approach in the future. They will, helped in this by the fact that manv teachers, faced with the reality of 'cuts! declining wage levels, begin to challenge union policy. In such a situation socialists can begin to vocalise this growing opposition around clear-cut, class struggle wnich can, while relating to the consciousness of members, alternative to the policies of the existing Icaders. Chief among these will be a struggle against ine executive's retusal to fight teacher unemployment, educat-
the government's wage freeze and the anti-democratic practices in the union itself.
The time to be preparing for the struggle is now. it is only by build a real class struggle tendency now - that also takes up kev issues besides wages and jobs - that it will be possible
of changes
nical colleges.
April 23rd,
their
was be as Conterence was over
Reform? since of
of course, leave
lines' for
ney will, in many ways, be
it was important
teaching.
needs.
students. above all, to the relative Outburst OT
Kennec ally
early as March,
coming period
in order wider support for
launched at the
by the left, пс И
a major attack
new rules, union members can
serious,
large
attempt to
Run-
ticular.
teacners' union.
rike and, The 'left!,
Support This,
of course, be demonstrations,
and will increasingly and SP.
action by
policies 1968 explosion, real losing the battle. pose a real In contrast,
to extend the strike
time,
attempting
demands.
page
FRANCE:
STUDENT
STRIKES
A major campaign of student strikes
and demonstrations is taking place
France against the latest in a serie:
in university educatior
undertaken by the conment
1968. The struggle began in Februar;
in some universities outside Paris.
soon spread to include a majority
universities in France as well as tech-
In a demonstration that took place or 35, 000 students marchec
in detiance of threats of police repres-
sion and an increasing campaign
government intimidation. Another thia
point' was reached when, on April 15
100,000 university, high school
Can a
technical school students marched
more than 30 cities.
The protests began when the Minist-
ry of Education published the 'guide
the Soisson reform (named
after the former Minister of Education)
The government claims that the reform
provides an answer to growing grad -
uate unemployment by better preparing
students for avallable jobs and cutting
back on the number of graduates where
there are no openings, particularly ir
In fact. however. , ine retorm is aimec
at only better preparing the students
for tedious work in industry at the ex.
pence of individual, human educationa!
The reform is also part of the
French government's attempt to gener-
ally discipline the masses of radical
The outburst against the new 'reion
beginning in towns such as Amiens and
soon spread nation-wide. Loselected strike committees elec:es
a national 'strike committee! .-'--
had begur ca
student action. Made up
ical tendencies, as well as many indep-
endent students, the committee was
the months went by able to rely on ever
its calls.
The government has tried to 'contair
the movement by claiming that the stuc-
ents on strike are a minority domina es
and French Secretary
the Universities Alice Saunier - Sere has issued repeated calls for the ' silent majority' to organise to break the
struggle. Some 'back to studies' com -mittees and demonstrations have taker place mostly under the influence of fasscist and right wing student groups, bu: these have mostly failed.
More important is the coercion and outright repression being used by government. There have been threats to cancel examinations and not to aiplomas at the end of the year. More
the use of direct repression against the demonstrations has been escalated. Virtually every demonstration has been attacked by the police. Union Of The Left
In addition to government repression, a further obstacle to the spread of the strike Is ine policies of the Communist and Socialist Parties.
considerable influence in the SNE Sup
Al used this intuence to try and undermine the growing st-
when minally forced to support it to keep some credibility in the student movement. did its utmost to prevent the teachers from giving it any
along with the continued. refusai or ine cru and cartoloinintai
is a formidable barrier for the students. Both these large trade union federations, dominated by the CF
counterpose support tor the Union of the Left electoral front to mass
sluacus ane They are seeking to 'head offi another May
even at the expence
the LCR (French sectior of the Fourth International) has fought
and obtain the big. gest possible mobilisations. At the same
it has fought against those, like the CP, who have refused to observe the democratic functioning of the strike committees. It is only such a perspect -ive, which combines democratic discussion with bold resolute action, that will allow the student movement to broaden "is support and go torwara to win its
Page 8 scan of this page
June 76
Throughout Britain, of teacher training colleges are taking place. As we move towards summer. thousands of young teachers are having to face the grim reality of the Labour government's education cuts: that there are no jobs waiting for them at the end of their course.
Starting in Scotland, ot inose leaving teacher training eges this year expect to be unemployed, the occupations have spread like wildTire inrougnout ine country. southland's (South London) was the first to pick up ine call sourn or ine border and, in the days that followed, Manchester to Bristol took similar action.
The prospects before young teachers are indeed grim. estimated o, vuv unable to get a Job and this is expected to rise to 15, 000 September. dre no beller since ine government nas. for some time now, been pursuing plans
Despite the disapointment and divisions created by two years, the mass of Portuguese workers voted solidly in the recent elections tor a workers' bined vote of region of 49%. won by the smaller 'left groups', brings the total for workers' parties up to 54.23%.
wnie giving ine workers' majority of the popular vote, the eection results than those of May last year. and CP may retain majority support but their votes fell (from 16 to race ot the Cr he case of the SP). conticent oasi inal ne an outright majority did not come true.
moreover, Ine Ta ne workers' parties coincides with a marcinai crowin in The PPD retained its 24% ! making it. ine but the CDS doubled its 16%. -rom the 800,000 refugees from Angola ane mozamo due as well as tom tarmers in the North frustrated by the growing economic difficulties. Popular Front
¡ ne cause tor ine reauced support or
Domestic £1.00 pa.
Overseas £1.50 pa
58, Suckland Road,
STUDENT TEACHERS
OCCUPY
stucents meet to discuss the way forward in occupied Southlands Collec
mass occupations
where over 60%
other colleges from
Inere are already an
by The longer-term prospects
PORTUGAL:
THE ELECTION RESULTS
the SP and CP over the past
The comthe CP and SP was in the Together with the 4.?% this
parties however, are less decisivel The SP
14% in the and from 38 to 35% in Certainly, Soares' time, gain
parties, of the vote second largest bartv) share to over
Special Introductory Offer for the
New SOCIALIST ACTION Quarterly
Name:
Address:
London, SE 19
rhoto. whinis Avics (Heport,
to cut drastically back on the teacher
pupil ratios.
Dole Queue
The present 'cut-backs' are.
only the latest in a whole series of cuts
in teacher supplv.
Advisory Council on the Training and
Supply of Teachers succestea inat
reduced classes to 30 by 1981,
pupi ratios should be 19.7:1 for prim .
ary schools and 16.3:1 for
schools.
These targets - which the unions have fought for - first came under attack by Mrs Thatcher when, in 1971, she back the HUNNOCE of teachers by over 50, 000. The present Labour government (returned on creating smaller classes) accepted the
Thatcher figures and began. closing many colleges of education. this year. ine number or students enter. ing college had dropped to 30, 000. the workers' parties (which, nonetheless, coule sill torm a malory can be laid squarely at the door leaders of the SP and CP. Instead of mobilising the workers independently of the millary. they nave souent. the 1974 coup, to cling to the coat-tails of the AFM by participating in various popular front governments.
By competing among themselves for the chance of becoming the AFM's most privileged ally, they have been prepared to champion attacks on the economic gains & rights won by the mass movement ever since the anti-Caetano upsurge of 1974. Such an orientation in the workers' ranks and,
split it in the face of growing right wing attacks.
It is this policy of tail-ending the military land providing a civilian cover for their anti- • working class policies) which has also alienated these parties from the potential support of layers poor farmers in the North. The CDS, particular, has taken advantage of this to whip up popular support for its rightwing policies in these areas.
United Front
During the election campaign, despite the fact that support for the 'right' was quite evidently growing, posta, orders or cheques payable to SOCIALIST ACTION,
are too
by A. Fox. snod over Is
Chrysler.
Tor ine rant
Action
unacceptable.
after all,
in 19oo ine National for
teacherposals secondary a picage
in 1974.
By Even now,
government)
of the
Never since has sown confusion
at the same
the CDS.
Campaign
such as the
in election run-up,
the CP and SP leaders
ers' government. crisis.
Tech.
Even those figures it now appears, great and the latest govern
ment cul-backs mean that thousands of
young, qualified teachrs will have
lace ne beak rcalv ot ine cole dueue
this September. Standards
This continual erosion of the teacher
pup! ratios does not Just mean
young students will be faced,
years' training, with no job.
means reducing educational standards
as pupiis (particularly immigrants
high industrial areas) find themselves
being laugni in larger classes by over-
stretched staff, in out-of-date schools
The Labour government (walking rough
Manitesto oromises) is
quite willing to sacrifice both job pros-
policy of directing money away
schools and into lailinal industries like
The struggle launched bv the students
is not, in this sense, merely a struggle
Rio work but also one on
behalf of all pupils to maintain (& im-
•rover eaucational slandards
erves the support of the entire stud -
ent anu lavour movements,
It is important, of course, that in the
coming period the occupations be ex -tended as widely as possible to
the government that its cut-backs are
such occupations become real 'action centres! for gain-
ing wider support for the struggle.
particular, they can be used to force the teaching unions (such as the NUT. to give real and not just token support
• slent leachers alongside teachers in the schools, demand that the implement at once the ino cover! pro -
and fight seriously to reduce class sizes to 30 or less.
Such combined action between stud -ents & teachers would not only help the
job prospects in the period ahead. could also begin to pose a real fighting opposition to government and unleash a real struggle against the education cut-backs. More than such action could begin to pose as spearhead against the general social service cut-backs and draw in ever -wider layers of the labour movement in concrete struggle.
refused to present a united front based on a programme in the interests of the mass of workers & their allies. They continued to 'competel with each other in pledging support for the 'pact' programme (drawn up in alliance with the military).
when the election results are known, neither party has shown itself to
be ready to use the popular mandate thes have received (54%
one popular vole.. to form a workers' government based on the needs of the workers' movement. SP, in particular, has maintained that it will not determine its final position until after the Presidential election this July. Until that time, it intends to continue in collaboration with the bourgeois PPD.
Uniting in opposition to the right -wing parties (who picked up in the elections) is more vital today, however, than at any time before. It is only a united working class government, based on a clear anticapitalist programme, that can begin to pose a real perspective before a confused (if undefeated) labour movement and rally to it forces who are, at present, being drawn to the rightist demagogy of
During the election itself, the Clithe sympathising section of the Fourth International)correctly made its main thrust tha of calling on the leaders of the CP and SP Lo me on a even on cooler so occa di To help develop their campaign (& explain their ideas, they stood 350 candidates in the election and received. 3% of the vote. The impact of their campaian can be seen by the fact that, for eight days during the
the AFM tried to prevent them using the broadcasting rights which they were entitled to.
The thrust of the LCI should not end with ine election resuits •i course. nat inrusi should be continued in the period ahead to explain to ever-more workers ine need ton the CP and SP leaders to break decisively with the bourgeois parties & form a work-
All attempts for lunited actions' at local level - in defence of the
democratic rignis inal have been won since 1974 - should be seen within this framework. It is the oniv wav to halt any drift towards the right & to impose a real workers solution on the deepening
T. Roberts
Editor: T. Roberts
Editor: C. Chinnery
- SOCIALIST ACTION
that after It also
monin. •at tne Trades in
Wing TUC policy.
It S from the to allow
Posed by
›•cia contrac
tes. motion out OT
was against lur policy.
Nervous
The fact that the TUC to go to such
show
Social Contract'.
NUT
_ this, Campaign
slanus.
Council.
The
slowly
nstration
by their 'abstention'.
Front thugs, threat'. like the IS or
TUC GAGS
OPPOSITION
The real meaning of the TUC's new
'Rule 141 became crystal clear, last
annua conference Councils in Swansea. Rule 14
(recently adopted by the TUC) states
that Trades Councils are denied the
right to support any activities oppos.
Exercising such
right can lead to suspension
This obvious attempt to 'gag' all opp-
osition to their policies was revealec
when the TUC leaders present refused
discussion on a motion propBethnal Green and Stepney
Trades Councils) calling for the re-
jection of Healey's latest stage of the
Terry Perry (TUC General Council
member chairing the session ruled the
order on the grounds it
: is prepared lengths indicates
how nervous it is about carrying the
Social Contract with the rank - anc
-file of the labour movement. Even
the right to disagree is now seer
too dangerous a threat to allow.
Despite the antics of Perry. however.
the 350 delegates present voted over-
wheimingly in support of a watered -
down resolution calling on the TUC
to 're-examine its commitment to the
The fact that there
was such unanimous feeling against
the social contract snould serve
a clear warning to the TUC of what
¡l can expect in une monms anead.
As discontent with growing unempl
oyment and plummeting wages rises
the feeling registered at Swansea is
bouna to grow and it will take more
than bureaucratic gags to stifle it.
It is urgent now, however, to start a serious campaign against Rule 14
and for democratic rights within the labour movement. The rule, as it now
can be used by the TUC to prevent Trades Councils supporting any group of workers fighting for better wages against the 4% norm
Recently, a Defence Citee against Kule 14 was set up by Camaen i rade
That Cttee deserves support from all. trade unionists, since what is at stake is nothing less than the right to organise independently from the union bureaucrats.
J.L. (Information of the Camden Defence Cttee can be obtained from:c/o 164b, Haverstock Hill, London, NW3).
IMMIGRATION
(continued from p 1)
Rally at Trafalger Square April 11.
Photo: Andrew Wiard (Report ).
Unfortunately, the left has virtually ignored this issue. Just two months ago, CRIA organised its first national demo-
which drew over 300. Groups are now us in arms about the need to combat a racist witch-hunt - were only too obvious
It is not enough. however. to downplay the issue for months at a time and then, when Blacks are beaten up by National
to scream about a 'racist The task is to concretely prepare against such threats by the systematic campaign work which CRIA hia s been doing over the past months.
In the period ahead, the importance of CRIA will be increased tenfold. We, in the LSA, would add our voice to that of the campaign in calling upon groups
IMG - as well as others in te cos ana student movement -_c
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