in 1905 was the prelude to the final great strugele which was to culminare in the real splic of the Do Sisaaks sod Mensheviss ino separare masness. Tre background to this struggle was the terrible period of Stalypin 'coup d'état" of 3 June 1907 → a blow which dissolved the Duma, arrested the Social Democratic GLEULIES ON TALETU HEd CIAmSnCI-и totally reactionary elecioral law. Labour organisations press stitled and a mass wave of arrests and corture launclal, Tenhie demoralisatson ser in amone the workimg ciass and tre terolaonasica (597 debated at the Fith RSDLP Congress in July 1903. Whsle the Holsnevies had by now a clear majorily Joc DRNHETOTRLaOOES analysis of the leading rale of the working class in the recolution, rejectian of electoral blocs with the Caders, call for a revolunonary provisional governICAL CILE MEYEIEICES D MOTABI10DdE difterence emerped among them on the quesrion of whether to participate in elections for the new Third Duita. The Congress vored finally to participate in the ¿lections, but this was carried on the basss of a bloc of MC VICESnCVKs ME JEWS BUnU. HE LULs. ON Dr the Letish votes, and one Holshevik vote - Lenin (40) While at the time it was not yer cleac what the scope of trit difference among the Balsheviks was RoiDe 1o be. neverthelss Lemi came out clearly neursr ose Boisnersee DBoRTuv ME THE for a boscotl of the elections:
"The boycodt is u declarution of war aguinst the old
Tighang and shall continge to fight most strenanusly against Messbevik deviations from the policy of revolutionary Social-Democracy, Nor, needless to say, is there any question of the Bolshevik section dissolving its Identity in the Party... The Bolshevil section us a definite ideological trend in the Party must esist as before." (46)
However, the Bolshevik conference stated the the cost net to the in Social Democrate and tol to preserve hour Party and everything eise must be subordinated t0 it. (47), with all those Mensheviks prepared to support the Party, He called For Party merabers to support rapprochement of pro-Party members of all faction and sections of the Party, above all rapprochement between the Bolsher•• Iks and pro-Party Menshevils." (48) This policy provided the axis for the Bolsheviks in the fight up to 1912.
The struggle against the boycatters was relatively limited in scope — by the spring of 1908 the boycatters had already become minoricies in Moscow and St. Peiersburg and thereafler declined rapidly. However taking place simultancously, and much more senious ly, was a fight concersing the trends among the Mensbeviks themselves. While not at all differing on 1912, came la occupy a real tore inine, strua belief in the leading role of the bourgenisie in the revolution, and support for clectoral allinnces with the the Mensheviks were divided over the question of the maintenance of the illegal Party. The establishment of the situation wherehy the delenor of the political views of Menshevisa was incompatible with Party membership, came in 1914 with Lenin's tinging decisraloo.
*The Second International is dead, overcome by opportunism. Down with opportunism, and long ive so-called "pro Party Menshevike, led by Plekhanov, stood for the maintenance of the RDLP. so-called "Menshevik liquidators" were for the winding up of the illegal RSDIP and the maintenance of Tegality at all costs.
Confronted with this division over the question of the very existence of the Party, Lenin acted on his discinction between party and faction. There could be no potitical rapprochement with any secrion of the Mensheviks- as we noted, he stated that there was "no question whatever" of sinking the dilferenses with the Mensbeviks. However, organisationally, the proParty Mensheviks were within the Party and against the liquidacors" threat to the existence of the RSDLP.
Lenin fought for a principle bloc with them:
Plekhanov was never a Bolshevik. We do not and It was natural that, in view of such profound differences, the RSDLP proved in fact to be split into two parties, the A unified party existed until 1912 .... It is very difficult to understand what the Comintern tells us about the question - that is, its chronology. The Bolsheviks and Mensheviks were at a certain time two factions of the same party, not BATTLE OF 197E never will consider him a Bolshevik. But we do consider him a pro-Party Menshevik... we regand it an the absulute duty of all Bolsheviks... to esert every effort to arrive at a rapprochement with all such Sociul-DemocriEs: (49)
Lenin summarised the situation when he said that the yoar 1910 was a year of joint work by the Bolsheviks and pro-Party Mensheviks in all the leading official and anofficial, legal and illegal bodies of the Party: (50)
He also outlined their ains:
Without renouncing ansthing, without forgetting anything. without making any promises shout setting aide differences, we are working together Toe the common CAuse: 251), TRATE
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two totally antagonistic parties. Trotsky — The Case of Leon Trotsky, p.12 1937.
party of the Bolsheviks and the party of the Mensheviks. Stalin - History of the CPSU(B) (Short Course) p. 95 1938.