Isolation of the Republican organisations remains a dominant concern of British Imperialism in the Six Counties.
A new stage in that process has now begun. In the words of Merlyn Rees, 'those sentenced for offences committed after 1 March 1976 will be accommodated in cellular accommodation and will not be able to claim special category status.
In other words, the political status forced from the British Tory Government in 1972 after a hunger strike by Billy MeKee is to be phased out To sweeten this pill and attempt to diffuse some of the opposition, abolition of political status is to be accompanied by the halving of sentences for all prisoners other than those serving life sentences.
Nevertheless, this latest attempt by the Labour Government to portray the conflict in the North as no longer political, but rather a series of acts of gangsterism, has already raised much angry opposition from both Republicans and Loyalists. Indeed, the 1 March deadline was heralded by the eruption of Loyalist violence throughout the North JOHN MAGEE reports from Belfast However, anyone who supposes that this was a demonstration of Loyalist concern' could not be more mistaken. When the Loyalists take to the streets in opposition to British policy, the target for their violence very soon becomes the Catholic community. This time isolated Catholic communities such as that at Greenisland were subjected to Loyalist attacks - homes were petrol-bombed and fired upon.
In the Republican areas, protest at the changed status of prisoners has so far been mainly verbal. Most of the sentenced Republican pris oners - there are over 900 of them — are supporters of the Provisional movement, but the latter has made no attempt to mobilise the antiUnionist working class in solidarity with these prisoners.
This is a very serious situation. It was the failure of British imperbehind the wire' which forced the introduction of political status in the first place. It would be a trag edy if this gain could be reversed without any real fight back.
role in maintaining morale within the prison camps. It has allowed prisoners to associate freely and remain organised, and has facilitated educational and political discussion. Importantly, it has also allowed them more contact with between the Government and amenable councillor Ken Livingstone.
MICKLYN HERS
ialism to isolate the 'men and women Political status has played a major all prisoners. The National Labour Movement Delega tion to Ireland, which plans to send a plane-load or British trade unionists and Labour Party members for a four day visit to Ireland in May, is receiving growing support from wide sections of the British and Irish labour movement.
One of the latest sponsors is Arthur Latham MP. who joins seven other Labour MPs in backing the delegation. Five trades councils and many trade union branches have also agreed to be sponsors, along with well-known figures in the labour movement such as Mike Cooley, Ernie Roberts, and Lambeth Equally impressive is the number of well-known members of the Irish trade union movement who are backing the delegation. They include Matt Merrigan and Michael Mullen, two of the most in fluential trade unionists in Ireland; and Phil Flynn, deputy general secretary of workers. In all, over forty leading Irish trade unionists have so far agreed to be those continuing the struggle outside - their families and comrades. These rights are now under attack For Merlyn Rees and the Labour Government, these rights have merely been 'privileges' handed out by a 'benign' British imperialism. It is rather a strange privilege to be thrown behind bars by the forces of occupation! Far from special category conditions being any form of privilege, they are democratic rights which should be extended to Political prisoners in the North of Ireland are tried by the infamous 'Diplock Courts' in which there is no jury. In addition, Republican prisoners will benefit relatively little from the half remission of sentences, as they have in the past been given militant workers have pushed through a series of wage deals that go well outside the framework of the NWA.
At the same time the coalition has found itself in deep water over a numbe or oner issues. in particular. its idst becoming unable to cope with the rise in women's struggles in Ireland. An increasingly influential women's liberation movement has developed at the same time as both wages struggles and The Tient tor national nociation Have drawn more and more women into the The role of the Catholic hierarchy, with its retusal or rengious comfort t Republicans and its anti-working class propaganda, has weakened at the same time as an ideological crisis has hit the Church internationally. One upshot has been that the ideas of the women's move ment nave started to make neadway un tne Iris working class, to tne exten that even the present Government has felt obliged to liberalise the almost med ieval censorship and anti-contraception Equal pay for women, on the other hand, costs money. So when the question arose the coalition first drafted a law even more ineffective than its British counterpart (it would have affected the wages of only about 30 per cent of women workers in Ireland) and then pro ceeded to drop it anyway. Cheap labour is the refrain that runs through the GovernmenTs actors on every sud This long and varied list of Irish sup port is particularly important, because it ensures that the delegation will meet a wide ranging and representative section of the Irish working class movement, both north and south.
The delegation is open to all who support the right of Irish self-determin ation, although any who do go must be genuine delegates from a labour movement body. Red Weekly asks all its readers to raise the question of the delegation at their trade unions, trades coun cils and Labour Parties.
A visit to Ireland is one of the most effective ways to counter the lies and distortions of the British press on Ireland. As the organisers of this delegation have promised an open and varied series of discussions, it could have a deep impact on attitudes to Ireland within the British working class movement.
For further details write immediately to: National Labour Movement Delega tion to Ireland, 1 North End Road London w.14 lengthier sentences by the Loyalistdominated judiciary. This same set of judges will undoubtedly adjust its norms of sentencing to take account of any remission introduced by the Labour Government.
Northern Ireland Minister Stanley Orme, a Tribunite, has described the new measures as a "liberalisation' of the prison system in the Six Counties What nonsense! The Labour Government has recently announced a £50m investment programme for the Northern prison system, which includes the construction of a vast new prison complex at Meghaberry. That is a sure sign that harassment of the nationalist population will be stepped up over the coming months.
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IS A CLASS ISSUE