The political crisis that hit the extreme left after 25 November found a sharp reflection in the elections. The votes for the FSP (Popular Socialist Front) and the MES (Left Socialist Movement) fell sharply. These two organisations - together with the PRP (Revolutionary Party of the Proletariat), which boycotted the elections - have failed to make any balance sheet of 25 November. The price they have paid is a decline in influence and a series of internal crises.
Without doubt the party that has gained the most ground on the far left has been the UDP (Popular Democratic Union). The LCI and the PRT also increased their vote.
The vote for the FSP declined by 24,319 to 41,842. Its losses appear to have been most severe in the working class districts - for example its vote fell by 3,155 in Setubal, 8,070 in Lisbon and 2,181 in Oporto. Having lost many members after November, the FSP election campaign limited itself to television broadcasts and a few meetings.
However me biggest loser was, without doubt, the MES. Its total dropped by just over 26,000 falling by 6,011 in Oporto, 3,310 in Coimbra, 3,077 in Santarem and 5,779 in Lisbon.
The campaign slogan of the MES called for 'unity of the people against rascism, for popular power, mn oraci to block the 'advance of fascism'. At a time when the masses have been increasingly turning to and building their own organisations, as can be seen by the increase in unionisation over the past months, the MES has been calling for anti-fascist committCes.
Its failure to understand the present pouncal situation is unaerined by its inability to answer a key question of the campaign - that of Utelo de carvalno-PRP want him to stand tor president what government should be called for by the workers.
For the ultra-lefts of the PRP all these questions are irrelevant. The lesson they have drawn from the events of last November is that they "made the call for the armed insurtection too late. Today 'it is for the armed insurrection that we continue to struggle.
They considered that the bourgeoisie was using the elections to pre pare the return of fascism; and besides, the working class by voting for the SP and CP would not only add to its reformist illusions, but would also divide itself! Hence the PRP decided to have nothing to do with the elections.
However, it sees no contradiction between this position and also callvote. Despite the fact that it made an abstract call for an anti-fascist and popular government, it also offered concrete solutions to the problems faced by the working class and other oppressed layers.
over 50 public meetings every day, including one of 10,000 in Lisbon and another of 4,000 in Oporto. Overall its vote rose to 91,064, which shows an increase of just over 14,000 on the previous combined total of the UDP and the FEC(ml) consistent work that the UDP has been doing in te workers move ment, plus the fact that it distanced itself from the Revolutionary United Front (FUR) won it votes - particularly from the other centrist groups.
For the LCI the campaign extended its national influence. Even fascist ELP, it won votes: 647 in and 581 in Viana Do Castelo.
Increased Standing in every district, the LCI vote rose to 16,186; and when this is added to the 5,144 of the PRT, who supported the LCI last year, then the overall increase in the Trotskyist vote was 10,541. In both Oporto and Coimbra the combined LCI-PRT vote exceeded that of both the FSP and the MES, while in Lisbon the Trotskyist vote increased by over 500.
Throughout the campaign only the LCI called for an SP-CP government based on a democratic con-