from this flows our decision to form a faction.
Theses The theses presented by the USFI to the coming IMG conference (published in International, Vol.3, No. 1) draw out the following line to guide the work of revolutionaries in the coming period.
*Under these conditions, where every objective development creates the need for a generalised political response and leadership of the working class, but at the same time the overwhelming majority of even the most militant workers still give their. political allegiance to the Labour perspective cannot be created in the immediate future - the coming 1218 months which is the time posed - outside the Labour Party, if it is to be credible and acceptable to large sections of the working class. The whole pressure of the situation is thus to the creation of a challenge to the leadership of Wilson-MurrayJones inside the Labour Party and the labour movement.' (International, pl6). Differ We differ with the central strategic line put forward here, namely that the alternative leadership and programme is going to emerge from within the Labour Party. The effect of this line, and the central slogan of replacing the Callaghan-Healey leadership, has already had very serious effects on the practice of It has led Red Weekly to overreact to every small statement and move of opposition made by left Labour MPs. It even led to proposals last summer that the IMG should Factions are not formed lightly. We have, by and large, been members of the IMG for a number of years, and in opposition to the present majority leadership for two or three years. It is only on the basis of extensive experience and a prolonged struggle to correct the mistaken theory and practice of the leadership that we have finally drawn the conclusion that this leadership is an obstacle to the further development of the IMG and the Fourth International in Britain. We conclude that this leadership must be replaced, and build Manifesto groups. It has led to subordination of the practice of the IMG to gaining alliances with these wretched elements. It has led the IMG to minimise the importance of events which occur outside the Labour Party (such as the ISdominated Right to Work March).
It has led in the student field to the IMG raising the demand that the NUS affiliate to the Labour Party, so that students can be a part of the battle to change the Labour Party leadership. And it has led to a downgrading of the importance of the longterm fight to win support in the trade unions. The adoption of this strategic line has led to a growing crisis in Party, such a leadership and political/ the work of the IMG, because it runs counter to the real course of the Breaks In opposition to this line, we put forward a line based on the possibility of seeing breaks from the Labour Party, and of developing minority fractions in the trade unions on a programme which breaks from the reformism of the Labour Party.
Further, we say that this is absolutely necessary to build a revolutionary leadership and party. Already the last year has given evidence of this -the break of the Scottish Labour Party, the election of independent socialists to the left of the Labour Party in local elections in Newcastle and parts of Wales.
This we sum up as a line of preparing a challenge to the monopoly hold of the Labour Party over working class political representation.
There will be a continuing erosion. of the electoral base of the Labour Party, which will be multiplied by large scale confrontations in the future. The task of the IMG is to al and practical basis for organising a national campaign around the demand for the nationalisation of the banksend finance houses.
The demand for the opening of the capitalist books also provides a direct itself towards those forces breaking from social democracy and around those political issues on which these breaks will occur. This determines the following •general outline for the IMG's work.
1. Because of the role of the Labour Government, and the shift to the right of most of the traditional left' leaders, the prospect in the next year is not one of massive battles (as in 1972) but of a simmering crisis, creating enormous stresses on every aspect of the fabric of society. This will create a varied and piecemeal development of struggles - struggles against racism and fascism, on wages and speed-up, factory closures, cuts, position of women, etc.
Alternative 2. The crucial test for revolutionaries will be their ability to programme which provides a line and perspective for all these varied revolutionary programme. This we term the Action Programme.
Out of partial fight backs we must draw together forces into a national class struggle tendency.
ised around our programme and not around a system of alliances with left social democracy.
the need to be implanted in these partial fight backs, because they give us a real opportunity to carry aspects of our programme into agiconsistent long term work in the and unions. The reformist leaderline, and this can only be achieved through long-term work to win a base for our ideas in the decisive sections of the organised working class.
4. This line determines our the monopoly hold of the Labour carry out an alternative revolutionary and partial struggles in such a way as to begin to pull all areas of resistance together behind a clear-cut alternative This is not an immediate possibility in the next year, it is the perspective which informs all our work for the foreseeable future. It must be central3. In particular, we understand tation and practice. This necessitates factories, shop stewards committees, ship must be challenged all along the follows:
TENDENCY 5 15% attitude to work in elections, where positions)
Party is most clearly shown. Already the forces exist in many areas, drawn|
EEKLY
together through campaigns around the cuts and so on, to put forward class struggle, united front candidates in many local elections. These electoral activities will be a vital part of tying together the basis of a class struggle tendency, and developing the challenge to the Labour Party on the widest possible scale.
Regroupment Our attitude to regroupment of the revolutionary left is determined by our understanding of the need to create a revolutionary pole around our Action Programme at the core of all moves towards a class struggle tendency. We welcome the IMG's turn towards a consistent orientation on regroupment. But we should not pretend tat revomnonary regroup ment means other organisations joining the IMG and the Fourth InterThe percentage of the delegate votes cast for the documents of the above tendencies was a TENDENCY 1 3.5% (The total comes to more than 100% because a number of delegates voted for more thar The line put forward by Tendency 4, having won the support of a majority of the delegate after a democratic discussion and vote, is therefore the line which the organisation as a whore will Tight to implement in the conng year national in one step. The IMG's ultimatistic presentations in the 'Faction and Party' series in Red Weekly can only be counterproductive What is needed is fundamental programmatic debate with other organisations on the left. This should be done in the context of discussion around the positions put forward for the 11th World Congress of the Fourth International.
Finally, despite the depth of our criticisms of the IMG leadership, we remain loyal members of the IMG We think the USFI has demonstrated that it is the only force in the Trotskyist movement which has the programme and analysis to respond to the rise in the world revolution and working class struggle over the past decade. We do not believe that it is possible to build a British section of the Fourth International by going round or outside the IMG.
TENDENCY 2 5% TENDENCY 3 33% TENDENCY 4 57.59
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one document - in particular, for those of Tendency 3 and Tendency 5. It should be noted, however, that a small number of delegates voted for none of the main-line tendency
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