has been notorious for generations as a place where the Protestant workers are likely to turn violently against their Catholic workmates in times of communal unrest. Always a Loyalst stronghold, the shipyards have come to symbolise Orange supremacy and its stablemate, sectarian bigotry.
At no time have more than 400 Catholics been employed out of a worktorce or lu.vuu. me sniovards are the perfect illustration of the system or paronage tat nas operated in favour of 'loyal' workers since me escao sament or me Six County statelet - and, indeed, In the same way that Loyalist workers once viewed the link with Britain as unbreakable, so too they have always believed that the shipyards were sacred, and that the jobs of the loyal brethren' would always be maintained by the British Government. But developments in recent weeks have done tarian death-toll, the foremost question in the minds of Belfast workers is now what happens when the Protestant shipyard for Protestant workers" goes bust? curing une ceran war or inceoenden now a claim has been made that some 5-6.000 members of the workforce will lose their jobs at the end of the summer, when the £60m put in by the Labour Government last November runs out.
Government sources have recently been hinting strongly that the original lease of life until 1978 has been dramatically curtailed, and the possibility of closure in 1976 is in the air. Such a step would at a stroke double the high unemployment rate to 20 per cent, bring commercial activity in Belfast almost to a standstill, and lead to widespread social distress.
Because the shipyards are isolated in a corner of East Belfast, many bel ieve that their closure would produce only isolated hardship in the harrow streets of Ballymacarrett. In fact, up to expected to reach 18 per cent by next Christmas.
but is tne sicuacion at the smipyard: that bad? On the surface, yes. Weekly losses nave nisen aoove me dovu. Jut limit, all the ships currently being built are on loss-make contacs. and coe ten ships on the order books could be cancelled as meir owners - mms ukt the Maritime Fruit Corporation - face In the final analysis, however, the argument is not so much whether the British Government is willing to pump more money into Harland & Wolff, but whether it can afford not to - whether it can afford politically to shut the shipyards down. With direct rule increasingly under attack from Loyalist and Republican alike, closure would inevitably precipitate a bloody political crisis which could make the last seven years look like a schoolyard brawl.
Side-by-side with the developing crisis at the 'Protestant shipyard" has attracuve intransigent as ever.
Amongst Loyalists, independence has been much debated; and although it has never acquired mass support, it has at different times gained the enthusiasm of the Loyalist paramilitaries. Some months ago the latter held a conference to discuss une question, and nave commi ssioned a survey to produce detailed plans. With the fears that exist amongst Loyalists that Britain is in the middle or economic witnarawal, negociated independence must seem increasingly But growing support for independence snoule not be contused witt support for power-sharing' with the SDLP: On that the Loyalists appear as Polities will undoubtedly remain at the centre of life in the Six Counties during the summer months, but it would be optimism indeed to think that it will not be politics by other means