ments to the Polish Constitution.
The writers express their solidarity with the Polish workers and applaud its attitude, thus avoiding a repetition of the tragic events of Poznan 1956 and the Baltic 1970'.
As the writers put it: *The events of these last few days showed that, in the existing system in Poland, citizens have only one way of expressing their position: that of demonstrating in order to show their discontent. We feel that discussion cannot limit itself to Cabinet officials only. An authentic dialogue between the authorities and society is indispensable. Such a dialogue cannot take place in a climate of repression, which some people are yue to introduce in oracE to 1сestablish their shaken authority.
The intellectuals attack the official trade unions, calling them a fiction' because 'they do not represent the real interests of the workers'. Instead they demand 'democratic representation for the working class'. The letter ends by saying that it is absolutely essential to increase democratic rights, freedom of the press, and of associanon, CONSULTED While this letter was circulating in Warsaw, Party Secretary Gierek travelled to the conference of European Communist Parties in East Berlin. Three or four paragraphs of his speech there were quoted by the Morning Star of 1 July, including the following key remark for publication in Western CP papers: "The Polish people were invariably consulted on all decisions of consequence. This was a correct and fruitful method As the last issue of Red Weekly explained, no consultation' took place before the price rises were announced. Gierek's carefully chosen words suggest that the Government decided that consultation on that issue would not be 'fruitful' because it would not produce the desired results. The only possible outcome Two days after mass workers' strikes had forced the Polish Government to cancel its plans to raise food prices by 60 per cent, an open letter to the Polish Parliament has demanded an increase in democratic liberties in order to avoid new popular explosions'. It is signed by 59 Polish intellectuals who earlier this year also opposed attempts by the CP leadership to introduce a series of anti-working class amendwould have been a massive 'no thanks' from working class Poles.
Following their climb-down, the Government for rapidly modifying Polish Party chiefs have been trying to change the political question from prices to 'hooliganism'. The Party secretary in Radom, one of the main centres of revolt, declared that the demonstrators who made the Party headquarters there the target of their anger were a mixture of 'hooligans, drunkards and hysterical women'.
In this way the Polish bureaucrats hope to move attack against the working class. RISKY But it is unlikely that anybody in Poland will fall for such language.
It is more likely to remind them of the Baltic strikes in 1970, when Gomulka used the very same words.
The letter from Polish intellectuals really hits the nail on the head: such 'hooliganism' is indispensable for the workers movement when no other channels for asserting working class power exist. If workers were able to decide issues like price rises by discussion and vote, how many would resort to the very risky business of waging an all-out strike movement against the Government?
In 1968 the Polish students and intellectuals demonstrated and fought alone against the bureaucracy for democratic rights. In 1970, when the working class rose up, the intelligentsia was passive and demoralised. Today the 'open letter' signals the possibility of a link-up between intellectuals and workers for a joint struggle against a bureaucratic regime badly divided against itself.
The potentiality thus exists for a joint mobilisation to enforce the demands which revolutionary Marxists in the USSR and Eastern Europe have fought for since the 1920s: the demands for independent workers organisations, workers democracy and a restoration of genuine soviet power - a state based on democratic workers councils. back onto the counterment has crumbled.
movement, and in particular to issue a condem Rus. Leszek Bierrac trend'.
six months were the Polish and both insignificant sects.
STENCH leading role of the CPSU. Their not something with which these tion to (bourgeois) democracy, wished to be contaminated. The conference of European Commu i. 1970 the intelligentsia was passive and demoralised when the working class rose up. Today the possibility exists for a joint struggle