IMGpapers 1976–79

Newspapers of the International Marxist Group and its forerunners, 1976–79

African leaders seek clamp-down on guerrillas TONY HODGES reports from Port Louis in Mauritius

Red Weekly No. 160, 22 July 1976 · p. 7 of the scan · 646 words

The scan: rw-no160-jul-22-1976.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

Uncorrected machine reading. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from a scan of a newspaper page, and the page was cut into articles by machine, at the headlines found by their type size. Nothing has been corrected: expect misread words, text from a neighbouring article, and titles that are the machine reading of the headline, some of them only fragments. Quote from the scan, not from this page.
How this article was cut and titled: headline found by type size in the OCR geometry (split_tabloid.py); 4-6 of 6; machine-segmented newspaper page; uncorrected Vision OCR.

page 7 of the scan

The recent wave of racist filth in the press is not going unopposed. A meeting of 60 journalists and representatives of the black community in London last ing organised by the Right-to-Work Campaign on 27 July against the use of chat-shows by the National Front and other racists as a platform for their ideas. The picket of LBC, in Gough Square, solutions?

YA "further study".

SYMBOLIC cent years. Article Three of the Charter of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU)

of the OAU-held just two weeks after the bloody Soweto massacresproved the organisation's fear of extending all-out support to the growing liberation struggle in southern Africa.

The Soweto massacres were condemned and 16 June declared the Day of the Soweto Massacres". The assembled government accranons acnounced Pretoria's bantustan policy and the "fraudulent pseudo-independence of the Transkei (set for 23 October). But what, one might ask, about the more than 15 African countries which continue to have commercial or other relations with South Africa in violation of OAU reThis issue prompted the Republic of Benin to present a resolution to a presummit meeting of OAU foreign ministers advocating disciplinary measures to flout the organisation's embargo ag ainst sout Alrica. But, by une end o the deliberations, the Benin resolution had been dropped. The problem was submitted to the OAU Secretariat for Symbolic, perhaps, was the summit's decision to elect the Mauritian Prime Minister, Sir Seewoosagur Ramgoolam, as the new Chairman of the OAU. Ramgoolam makes no secret of his plans to maintain Mauritius's close ties witi welcomed here (particularly in the hotel industry), and the island's trade with the minority white regime has soared in reThe intensification of the liberation struggie in soutern Alca forceo l neo-colonial regimes represented at the summit to vote 'maximum political, economic and military assistance to the liberation movements of South Africa to enable them to execute the armed struggle. But the delegates were caretul to avoid discussion of the Lusak: Strategy' of detente pursued by the OAU since December 1974, when the Zambian Government forcibly re organised' the Zimbabwean nationalist movements-which were heavily de pendent on men bases mn canDia-ne the African National Council (ANC).

This strategy, which hinged on forcing the Zimbabwean nationalists to sidetrack their struggle into negotiations with the Smith regime, won the approva of South African premier John Vorster, who badly wanted a settlement in Rhodesia to restore stability to souther Alica and mercov aerena mme interests of the imperialists and the white minority in the bastion of South Africa.

The neo-colonial states backed the Lusaka Strategy because an impetuous rise of the liberation struggle in southern Africa (eventually engulfing the industrial heartlands of South Africa itself threatens to detonate big class battles in indepenant alca too-m parucu lar, at a time when these countries are wracked by the combined effects of the world recession and inflation But the Smith regime's refusal to sen away even sume or the knodesian settlers' privileges at the negotiating table led to the debacle of this "strategy'. The bordering neo-colonial regimes were left with little option but to authorise renewed guerrilla incursions against the settler state in order to pressure Smith back into talks.

But while carrying out this delicate manoeuvre. the neo-colonial re gimes are seeking to ensure their tight control over the Zimbabwean nationalist movement and prevent its development in an independent direction The OAU states have therefore made su use or me acond a visin within the ambabwear natonals! movement-between the ANC's "internal wing, led by Joshua Nkomo, and its "external" wing, led by Bishop Abel Muzorewa and the Rev Ndabaningi Sithole-to promote a so-called 'third force leadership under the strict contro of the OAU Liberation Committee and the bordering states.

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pledges 'absolute dedication to the total emancipation of the African terri tories which are still dependent'. But the recent summit conference here

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