The announcement of the details of the forthcoming Geneva conference on Zimbabwe has led to a flurry of tal claims rom ne eacers or ine nationalist factions. Common to all has been the demand that the British Labour Government. the so-called Tegal colonial power, should chair conference in the person Foreign Secretary Antony Crosland.
This common demand, nowever, releas a common clemmar to win positions for themselves in an independent neo-colonial Zimbabwe - which is what Kissinger is offering - while maintaining the support the Zimbabwe People's (ZIPA).
Kissinger and Smith optimisticany nove nanne natonaisteaders move to defuse the armed struggle. At the moment, however, these leaders are the prisoners of that struggle. A recent ZIPA statement broadcast over Mozambique radio indicates no intention to surrender for the sake of a two year interim government:
We hereby reiterate our unswerving commitment to the total liberaof Zimbabwe throuch armed struggle... We, following the footsteps of our revolutionary predecessors, are not fighting for political and economic reform, but for the resolute and thorough smashing of the reactionary Smith regime, complete and total seizure of political cower and the complete and thorough transformation of Zimbabwean Society.
This present mood of the guerillas indicates why Joshua Nkomo of the Zimbabwe African (ZAPU), darling of Kissinger and the British Government, wishes to build an alliance with Robert Mugabe, the leader of the rival Zimbabwe African National Union, who is most in tune with ZIPA policy. Nkomo wants to establish nis militant how prior to his participation in a future But Mugabe himself has no control over the armed struggle. it nas been suggested that he has allied himself with Nkomo for the Geneva conference in order to get his hands on the Russian aid which Nkomo is allegedly receiving. truth of this, Mugabe clearly recognises that a compromise is not possible ar present readiness to be much harder than Nkomo and the other leaders on the question of black control of the state apparatus, so as not to sever his slender links with ZIPA.
For international capitalism, the conference is the latest tactic in its strategy of imposing a neo-colonial solution in Zimbabwe which would put the present nationalist leaders in government. it is no that Garfield Todd, the traditional representative of international capitalism in Rhodesia, is a member of People's Union the Nkomo delegation.
As the Smith regime has credentials further into a dead end, sections of have been drawn to support the neo-colonial project. The orientation Rica after UDI in 1965 has not proved very successful, while the increasing political and social crises in South continuation.
Whatever hence his concence Tons, etc.
Hence got Rhodesian white settler capitalism two year laos of the economy towards South AfrAfrica are in any case threatening its But the ruling bloc is still only prepared to make limited concessions. To allow full enfranchisement, the right to assembly, the right to form political parties and trade uniwould rapidly lead to a situation that could go out of the control of the nationalist leadership desire OT Smith regime to hold on to the ministries of Defence and Law and Order. The period of transition is aimed at inflicting defeats on the movement to demoralise it before 'majority rule' is attained.
It is therefore necessary to call for a total boycott of the Geneva conference, since its aims are purely to buy time for the Smith regime and its international allies. Revolution- ons.
KANI AND ary Marxists should fight for current to emerge which will strugg le for demands which are in direct interests of the workers anc peasants of Zimbabwe.
At the moment this must focu around the demands for the releas of all political prisoners; an end t the state of emergency and an end t all political trials; for immediate majority rule based on a constituen assembly; one person one vote disarm the Rhodesian right of assembly and the right to form political parties and trade uni sanh kani
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BRIT ACTC WEEKLY