* Since the creation of the 'Irish Republic" There nas been a total ban on aboroon, divorce and, until 18 months ago, contraception in the 26 Counties.
* In 1974 2,000 Irish women travelled to IRIS COUlO ODIEDOTIOHS * In 1975 there were only six day nurseries in Dublin, a city of close on one mulon Deodie.
* Women represent one third of the working population and receive 50 per cent of male wages.
* In the North the 1967 Abortion Act does not appiy.
* The same goes for the 1969 Divorce Reform Act.
* There are only 30 state nurseries for the whole of the Six Counties - none of wuchremam oven al day.
These facts alone indicate that women in Ireland are among the most oppressed in the most advanced capitalist countries. Both at the level of sexual freedom and in living and working conditions, inere is a stark contrast between the intensity of women's oppression in Ireland and the Lanus wor n Dutal.
The roots of this contrast lie not only in the strength of the Catholic Church which has a history of continual support for British imperialism in Ireland - but in the equally long history of economic exploita tion in Ireland by that imperialism. This means that women are forced into a position of deep exploitation in a country which has the lowest income per head in Europe.
In couthern Treland. no formal 'indenendence' can disguise the continued domination by Britain. The state is locked in a permanent economic crisis which makes it necessary to maximise and maintain the strength of the family. Thus the Church becomes a very powerful weapon.
In 1939 an Act passed by the Irish Parliament gave the Catholic Church 'special status', allowing it to maintain control of virtually all spheres of working class life - from determining the books people read to saying what is a 'just' strike.
ane aurea s nuence on women aop cars most clearly in the stranglehold which the family has on Irish society and the very severe restraints on personal and sexual freedom which Irish women suffer.
That the direct cause is domination by imperialism can be seen from the scope of the Church's influence. It is not limited to the South but extends to the Orange state, where the rate of exploitation by Britain is only minimally contrasted. The Catholic Church - for all the supposed Protestantism of the Orange leaders - has been permitted to maintain its own schools and spnere or intruence The Protestant churches are given the same, indeed greater, rights. Both play their part in maintaining the sectarian divide. Thus both play their part in maintaining the brush presence It is because of that presence, and Decause or une deom or anu-imperialsi sentiment in the Irish working class, that large numbers of the most advanced women militants choose to become active in the Republican movement rather than women's liberation movement.
DEFENCE These women see the Republican movement as une oniy means tarouga walen tney can wage the struggle against British domination, the only means of defence against British troops. For these women this is the first prioritv — which is why the working class women of Turf Lodge responded with such venom against the "Peace People', whom they saw as supporters of Britain and its troops.
The involvement of hundreds of womer in the Republican movement - there are over 200 women political prisoners - and the acknowledged leadership positions which women hold in the Republican movementare an nocanion or their deter. mination and their role. Their stand identifies for women that a central source of their oppression is the continuance of imperial. ism.
SESsame nose nie wonens movement in this country should acknowledge and support, because while women in this country can assist the development of a women's movement in Ireland, we have a greater contribution to make. That contribution consists of throwing our weight behind immediate British withdrawal from relano and bulaing sondanty acnon. demanding the release of all women political prisoners in the North and South. MARIA O'BRIEN SI