The first five volumes of Marx and Engels' Collected Works, covering the years 1835-1845, were devoted chiefly to the theoretical and empirical works through which revolutionary Marxism was first formed. This latest volume *introduces a new and crucial element to the situation — the period of the first organised political practice of Marxism in the period leading to the revolutions of 1848.
While there are still crucial works in this volume, above all The Poverty of Philosophy, whose emphasis is theory in the general sense, the centre of attention nas stilled nere to an analysis of contemporary political developments- — notably the Chartist movement in england and ine early organisation or tne working class in Europe. The period culminates in the founding of une mrst Marxist party, me communist League, and, as the theoretical counterpart of this, the producton or tne nurst great programmanc document of Marxism — the Communist Manifesto.
In looking back over 120 years to the first political intervention of Marxism, what stands out above all is not the limitations of what Marx and Engels had achieved by this time, but just how much of the basic outlines of working class political practice, strategy and tactics had already been laid down by 1848. It would be ridiculous and unhistorical not to recognise the amount which was added to Marxism by Lenin, Luxemburg, Trotsky and others - not to mention the later works of Marx and Engels themselves concentrated reading of this volume reveals with striking clarity how much these contributions were a concretisation rather than a contradiction of what Marx and Engels had already achieved by 1848.
POLITICAL IDEAS It is impossible here to give even a small fraction of the examples from a volume ranging over a dozen countries. Three points however, dealing with central points still discussed on the Marxist left today, should serve to give an idea of just how systematically, even at this early period, Marxism was able to develop its political ideas and practice.
The first question is the political basis of the Marxist party. Its foundation is already laid down clearly in the Communist Manifesto itself, in this famous statement: "The theoretical conclusions of the Communists are in no way based on ideas and principles that have been invented, or discovered, by this or that would-be universal reformer. They merely express, in general terms, actual relations springing from an existing class struggle. (p.497)
From this flows both the scientific relation of Marxism to the working class and ine basis or all Marxist strategy and tactics. The defining characteristic of the revolutionary Marxist party was already defined not as adherence to any particular tactics or nostrum, or some interest of its own, but as the fact that the Communists defended the interests of the working class movement as a whole right through to the response has been very good.
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the end, not merely against other classes but even against any apparent or sectional advantages which could be gained by any part of the working class against the interests of the proletariat as a whole Communists have no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat as a whole. They do not set up any sectarian principles of their own, by which to shape and mould the proletarian movement *The Communists are distinguished from the other LAST WEEK the IMG launched a Fund Drive for £15,000 by May. And already below, or, if you would like to make a regular commitment, then please fill in the Bankers Order. Area targets have now been worked out, and we will be publiworking class parties by this only: 1. In the national struggles of the proletarians of the different countries. they point out and bring to the front the common interests of the entire proletariat, independently of all nationality. 2. In the various stages or developmen which the struggle of the working class against the bourgeoisie has to pass through, they always and everywhere represent the interests of the movement as a whole' (p.497).
The means, organisational and political, by which to construct a party which comprised precisely all those (and only those who defended the interests of •LIC class as a wnole was something developed after the death of Marx and Engels by Lenin and Trotsky. Yet they only concretised and secured the means whereby to secure the goal which Marx had already set out in the Manifesto. The Bolshevik or revolunonary party equally nas no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat as a whole'.
PROLETARIAN Flowing logically from their concept of the political basis of the proletarian party, and in particular that 'in the national struggles of the proletarians of the different countries, they (the Communists) point out and bring to the front the common interests of the entire proletariat, independently of all nationality, came the type of organisation which Marx and Engels considered necessary to develop the intervention of the revolutionaries In Sine class MOYCHICHE Already the very first article in this volume finds Engels formulating STUR the first time in scientific terms the relation of the bourgeoisie and the proletariat to internationalism and the nation state:
*The bourgeoisie in each country has its own special interests, ane since these interests are the mos important to it, it can never transcend nationality .. But the proletarians in all countries have one and the same interest, one and the same enemy, and one and The basis of this policy is explained quite clearly in the Manifesto itself. Communists are the only force who defend the interests of the working class right through to the end, and in their full historic and international dimension.
However, it is not at all the case that politics and the class struggle are always being fought out at the level of the last analysis' and the historic interests of the working class. On the contrary, the class struggle is fought out most of the time on the terrain of limited and immediate interests of the classes. . On this field, while revolutionaries are the most determined and consistent fighters, it is not true that only Marxists are capable of taking steps and waging struggles which are in the interests of the working class.
VACILLATING A whole series of vacillating working class, petty-bourgeois and other forces can wage particular struggles which correspond to the interests proletariat. In such circumstances it is the policy and the duty of Marxists, precisely in order to defend the interests of the working class, to emer to umico action with all those prepared to fight for particular and immediate aims. The relation of historic goals and immediate struggles which is involved in the united front was already clearly spelt out by Marx at this time:
*The Communists fight for the attainment of the immediate aims, for the enforcement of the momentary interests of the working class: but in the movement of the present, they also represent and take care or tne rurure or tnat movement•.
'In Germany they fight with the bourgeoisie whenever i acts in a revolutionary way against the absolute monarchy, the feudal squirearchy, and the petty bourgeoisie. But they never cease, for a single instant, to instil into the working class the clearest possible recognition of the hostile antagonism between the bourgeoisie and proletariat, in order that the German workers may straightforward use, as so many weapons against the bourgeoisie, the social and pontica.
that the bourgeoisie must necessarily introduce along with its supremacy, and in order that, after the fall of the reactionary classes in Germany, the fight against the bourgeoisie itself may immediately begin..
*In short, the Communists everywhere support every revolutionary movement against the existing social and political order of things. In all of these movements they bring to the front, as the leading question in each, the property question, no matte what its degree of development at the time' (p.62).
UNITED FRONT The concrete application of these principles today is of course vastly changed, and the particular alliances no longer exist. Nevertheless all the basic aspects of united front policy - the seeking of united action for the immediate interests of the working class, the necessity within that united action of maintaining full indepencence continuation of the struggle for the interests of the of propaganda and agitation, working class against the previous 'ally' the moment i turns against the proletariat, the pushing forward through the united action of the fundamental historical interests of the working class - are area contained in the Communist Manifesto.
Far from the united front being a cunnin manoeuvre developed by the Communist Internattional to cover a temporary retreat (as is sometimes asserted), the theory of the party and the theory of the united front were in fact developed simultaneously by Marxism. From the fact that they are the consistent defenders of the interests of the proletariat as a whole flows inextricably both the formation of a separate party based on the defence of the historical interests of the proletariat and the necessity to enter into united action with other forces to defend the 'immediate and "momentary' interests of the working class.
In a period when the revolutionary left in Britain is slowly beginning to clarify out its ideas from the fog , an attention to the fundamental bases ol scclarlamsu of Marxist politics, to the fact that revolutionaries have no interests separate and apart from those of the working class as a whole', is long overdue. There are
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