IMGpapers 1976–79

Newspapers of the International Marxist Group and its forerunners, 1976–79

"Marxism-Le

Red Weekly No. 189, 3 March 1977 · p. 6 of the scan · 842 words

The scan: rw-no189-mar-3-1977.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

Uncorrected machine reading. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from a scan of a newspaper page, and the page was cut into articles by machine, at the headlines found by their type size. Nothing has been corrected: expect misread words, text from a neighbouring article, and titles that are the machine reading of the headline, some of them only fragments. Quote from the scan, not from this page.
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page 6 of the scan

firms have substantial investments in South Africa.

In its annual report ICI claimed rollants.

Corporation and chairman is Lord Barber, the former Tory Chancellor.

Ine "so-called independent including Britain, supported this vote. nostalner.

second only to 37 per cent in Britain.

the apartheid regime. National largest single contribution of Barclays to the Foreign Office to give him a rap profits of @540 million. Barclays Bank followed suit with £197.9 million, a 39 per cent increase on the previous year. Both of these 'strong showing in overseas markets'. One of its subsidiaries, African Explosives and Chemical Industries, in which ICI has a 49 per cent share holding, has three factories in South Africa producing tear gas, nerve gas and deDuring 1976 ICI allocated R40 million [about £60 million] to AECI vor various capital projects. Ine latest or mese nas been to invest in the Transkei. This is a joint project with the Transkei Development Bank ine independence or une transkel is recognised as a compiere fraud. Even the United Nations voted to oppose all dealings with EEC Only the Barclays, along with Standard, dominates the South African Danking system, Darciays operates via une nanonal bank, a company in which it controls 63 per cent of all shares. Twenty seven per cent of Barciays branches world wide are located in south Africa Recently, however, Barclays gave an even firmer commitment to gave E6½ million to the South African Fighting Fund to bolster defence spending. This was to Vorster's war treasury director claimed that this donation was 'part of our social responsibility'.

The Labour Government responded by calling in a representative knuckles. In reality the Labour Government has done nothing to party policy now.

CouRtnes United States in southern Africa.

action for his of National investment in South Africa over the RIC SISSONS The Labour Government has continually chosen to ignore Labour Party policy and conference decisions. conference a motion, Composite 44, was passed demanding an end to all British investment in South Africa. This has remained a dead letter. The Labour Government must be forced to implement its The workers movement cannot sit by and idly watch the Labour Government refusing to act against the Vorster regime. Industrial action needs to be taken to halt all trade and investment with the racist states or anodesia and bout Amica While the demand that British companies recognise black trade unions is central, me leaders or me onusn wade umon movemen have been as lukewarm in their attitude as their counterparts in the Government. The boycott called by the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions in January was only seen as a single protest, not the start of a concerted campaign against imperialist interests However there are workers in Britain who have taken effective against British investment in racism. Workers at Henley Forklift Co., for example, have blacked all South African contracts, while workers at Hopkinsons in Huddersfield continue their strike against a sanction-busting management.

Hawker Siddeley workers at Brough, on Humberside, are faced with mass redundancies. However they have refused a suggestion by local Tory MP Patrick Wall that sales of Buccaneer aircraft to South Africa would protect their jobs. A mass meeting decided to continue the struggle against sackings and against LABOUR MUST BREAK ALL LINKS WITH SMITH AND VORSTER. imperialist In June 1975, FRELIMO came to power in Mozambique having led a successful struggle against the Portuguese and effectively smashed the former colonial state apparatus. There was then much speculation snout the nature or ine new sale a FRELIMO would construct over the ruins of the old one.

Last month FRELIMO held its HOTELESS (the first since independence) in Maputo, where it vanguard party dedicated to building a new society on the basis of 'scientific in Mozam socialism'. To determine the objec reality of Mozambique today in Her or mese ace aarons cellar look at the country's political nomy and social organisation. a more importantly, at the trend these indicators of its developmer In the two major foreign excha calline arcas - migrant labour transportation of goods — Moz bique has not in any way loosene debilitating ties with the imper and particularly S Africa.

The handling of South African Rhodesian goods accounted for 30 cent of Mozambique's total earni quite clear: the benefits of the s stolsee socia services will reman exclusive prerogative of the whi tor will beopened to all. Thus a poi from a black person will now considered equal pound from a white person; though nothing is to be done change the fact that most of pounds are concentrated in w hands.

NO EFFECT If such measures had been ta 50 years ago when Rhodesia 1 acquired self-government they m black elite. If Smith had embar on them the timof tw years ago they might now be of so use in strengthening the hand of 'moderates'. But at this late they are virtually meaningless They will have no effect on the of the masses, and little short-t effect on anyone else. Land value the white farming areas reflec

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