WHAT Smith's UDI and the new 'Zimbabwe-Rhodesia' mean , for the blacks of Zimbabwe: home (left) and work in the fields By the Africa in Struggle Collective IT WAS 1890 when Cecil Rhodes marched into Zimbabwe. Behind him came his settler Pioneer Column and the British South Africa Police. The people they aimed to subjugate were tribal communities, herding cattle with small scale farming:
There WeIc class Zimbabwean society then. organised along lines of kinship. Inequalities, where they existed, reflected differences of age or sex.
Rhodes's first encounters were Matabele tribe kingdom in South Africa who had crossed the Limpopo river and subjugated the local Shona tribes. The Zimbabwe ruins, now a symbol of the nationalist movement, bore tribute to the complex society that had existed under the earlier Monomatapa and Rozvi dynasties. Fabric Rhodes's arrival quickly. existing social and economic fabric. His British South Africa Company gained a monopoly of mineral rights and alienated the original population from their land.
Lobengula, the Matabele chief, petitioned Socialist Challenge 28 June 1979 Page 8 country.
differences in Tribal society was struggle in with the an offshoot of the Zulu joining the Landess destroyed the Rhodesia, Queen Victoria against Rhodes's fraud, but the British government turned a blind eye. BSA Company was granted a charter to rule the The Matabeles rose up in revolt but were crushed brutally in 1893.
Fire Power Out of the ashes of that defeat a great federation of tribes then waged a protracted the first Chimurenga (war liberation) three years later. Опсе superior fire-power won out.
The period of company rule came to an end in 1923 when the expanding white settler class opted for a self-governing colony rather than Union of South Africa. seizure of the rich highlands, leaving the blacks with the poor lowland areas, was enshrined in law with the Land Apportionment Act.
peasants were forced white-owned farms and mines. Even those who did own their own land had to sell their goods at extortionately low rates on the state-controlled market or were compelled by the burden taxation to work for whites as labourers.
The worldwide shortage of raw. materials after the Second World War saw a flood of and South African capital until foreign interests (mainly But the growth of industry materials.
Pickings
profits and investment.
the black eventually collapsed as a struggle in the rest of Africa of again privileged position Their political power economic vantage points — into the governments Deciaration November 1965.
into also meant the growth of a black working class, which first tested its muscles with a general strike in 1948.
But the vast profits being made still did not satisfy the thirsts of the Rhodesian capitalists. They proposed the incorporation of Norther Rhodesia (Zambia) and Nyasaland (Malawi into the giant Central African Federation to provide a protected market for their goods and an even larger pool of cheap labour and raw The pickings for them were good. But they were even better for the big multinationals. During the period of federation (1953-1963), foreign capital increased its share both of But the federation became the first target of political organisations, and result of their campaigns and the impact of the anti-colonial Britain was able to cede independence easily to Zambia and Malawi. But the size of the white settler community and its history of self-government made Rhodesia different.
Even the tiny concessions made to blacks in the 1961 constitution as a result of the strikes in 1959 and 1960 proved too much for the whites. A reactionary backlash voted the Rhodesia Front Party of lan Smith into office. They based themselves on the fact that over half the white population depended on the land for their livelihoods, while most of the others felt their jobs directly threatened by blacks gaining power.
Britain's neo-colonial strategy — conceding to while retaining thus came into collision with a white settler class with its own distinct interests to defend. A series of failed conferences between the British and Rhodesian culminated in the Unilateral of Independence by Smith in Meanwhile the black political organisations had begun to gain strength again. The struggle against the federation had given birth to a coalition of urban youth organisations, trade union organisations and political groups called Conference, led by Joshua Nkomo.
Nkomo (once a railway workers' leader) with his senior officials Ndabaningi Sithole and resistance Industrial Conciliation Act of 1959. Their banning amrisonment of many union and SPAN officials.
The fragmented organisation briefly as the National Democratic Party, was banned again and Zimbabwe African Peoples Union (ZAPU). Differences with Nkomo's 'constitutionalist approach to black majority rule led Sithole and Mugabe to split and form ZANU in 1963.
All were imprisoned by Smith just prior to UDI along with scores of other party cadres and officials. And the brutal application of the Law and Order (Maintenance) Act made sure that the repression continued British Prime Minister Harold Wilson predicted that the new Smith regime would last *weeks rather than sanctions-busting by the US government and the complicity in maintaining oil supplies helped to ensure a further decade of Smith's rule. In fact that decade saw foreign investment in Rhodesia double to more than £1,000m.
The response of ZANU and ZAPU to UDI was to develop a strategy based on rural guerilla war. Although ZANU's early campaigns were largely unsuccessiul, enough to merit the involvement of the South African Army.
Co-option the defeat of FRELIMO in Mozambique opened eastern front. This collapse of Portuguese influence led to a change in imperialist policies in southern Africa as a whole. Kissinger, then US Foreign Secretary African Prime Minister Vorster of the wisdom of 'accommodation and cooption'.
alternative but to form some sort of black government. The "internal settlement' was the result, with Muzorewa and Sithole acting as spo atte Wh repressive Zin Nai pol regrouper exp finally emerged _as the the elec the and bot months' But oper mai Irem government's Soft An the plat they were significant excl land wor thu:
The war rapidly escalated, however, after • deni Portuguese colonialism by imp up how ind persuaded South dire inte the Without Vorster's support, Smith had no for sna
i How solidarity can help laborators. wa had risen to prominence as a on against the Tory government's sell the Douglas-Home proposals. carce Commission visited Rhodesia o test out the opinion Council offered the only organised Muzorewa's cus for their opposition. i once a leader of ZANU, was om the organisation in 1974 for his approach towards the Smith er his release from prison. the mass support once enjoyed by en has disappeared. The fraudulent April of this year did not succeed in ive. Muzorewa has been left high this former allies.
ave of course been strong lobbies in SA and Britain for recognition of the atlement. But this goes against the a of imperialist strategy incorporation of the Patriotic liplomatic alliance of ZAPU o any settlement and the calling off i struggle. This was the basis for the trican DroDosa S championed David Owen and Andrew Young of NU and ZAPU go along with these liberation is almost based on the peasantry and the rural cher than the million-strong urban ass. Its petty bourgeois leadership to reflect the demands black middle class for and the employment opportunities them by white supremacy mply an end to this rule. mands of the black working class, ! - for jobs, wages and the right to at trade union organisation against the representatives of jal capitalism. And it is amongst ers that the new Zimbabwe can be free, independent country that has i links with the bloody heritage of lat must mean a socialist Zimbabwe. African Build the Africar Students Union March 5 which and Bouthern Africa Solidarity Domonstration March 6 in struggle property THE STRUGGLE of the Zimbabwe has reached a critical stage. In the next few months decisions by Britain and the USA on whether to recognise settlement and lift sanctions could seriously hamper the nail pal liedation oremele.
Anti-Apartheid responded by forming Emergency Campaign Committee to organise action around three major themes • No recognition of the internal settlement • No lifting of sanctions — for their extension to South Africa. • Solidarity with the Patriotic Front.
Two major demonstration on 30 June around the slogan 'No Tory sell out on Zimbabwe'; and a major demonstration on 11 November before the renewal of sanctions in Parliament.
Such solidarity important and direct effect on the outcome of the struggle for power in Zimbabwe. It is only mass action, not persuasion MPs, that can stop intervention by Britain in another country's affairs.
The success of mass action is drawn from experience. Strike action by London dockers in 1921 stopped the sailing of the Jolly George with arms bound for the counter-revolutionary struggle against Soviet Kussia.
The campaigns to revolution intervention and to colonialists in Algeria affected the outcome of those struggles. And it was the impact of mass demonstrations around the world demanding that the US get 'Out Now' and proclaiming solidarity with the National Liberation Front which helped to ensure the US withdrawal from Vietnam.
Every time a strike or political upheaval disrupts production on the oil-fields of Iran or in the goid mines of South Africa, the effect is win freedom black masses in the internal Movement has the Zimbabwe actions are planned: the action can have an For lobbying of this reactionary During defend the Cuban American imperialist oppose the French Zimbabwe Emergency Campaign Committee set up at the initiative of the Anti-Apartheid Movement is the type of campaign structure we want to promote.
ZECC is correct to see Tory recognition of the internal danger, but we have to oppose all attempts by Britain, America or the UN to impose their solution on the people of Zimbabwe. Their concern to achieve an 'acceptable' settlement has nothing to do with human rights or justice, but is about maintaining the capitalists' right to plunder and exploit Zimbabwe.
The campaign should promote the idea that the only people entitled to decide the future of Zimbabwe are the Zimbabweans And that means avoiding the pitfall of becoming purely a support group for some or all of the liberation fighters.
The IMG unconditionally supports any organisation fighting to overthrow_colonia.
be it the Patriotic Front in Zimbabwe or the Provisional IRA in Ireland. The most effective way in which that support can be shown is by organising to stop the British government's attempt to decide the future of the people of Zimbabwe.
Differences over the choice of slogans have erodie Lot proment terms.
government's term of office, for instance, the Anti-Apartheid Movement failed to organise mass activity against the Anglo-American proposals being promoted by Foreign Secretary David Owen. The British Communist Party had the same position.
Campaigning vigorously against Labour's policies on Southern Africa would have upset the good relationships that Anti-Apartheid had built up over the years with many left MPs and trade union leaders who were now going along with Owen's imperialist schemes. But when the lefts are prepared to betray our Zimbabwean brothers and sisters it is our duty to rock the boat as hard as possible.
Other organisations have argued that we campuses.
biggest protest reactionary policies.
the main forward movement.
threat of recognition:
exhibitions, • AGITATE.
got Nation Group struggle - ask advice.
November.
Afric.
busters are put on the spot.
the basis of those students who have been to the fore i launching disinvestment campaigns on thei From the demonstration this weekend local mobilising committees should be formed to make the 11 November demonstration Abe yet against Thatcher's * Steve Potter is the International Organiser of the International Marxist Group. Others are welcome to contribute their ideas on the way Zimbabwe solidarity ZIMBABWE ACTION!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! HERE'S what you can do to smash Thatcher's • EDUCATE. The media is going all out to convince people that the internal settlement elections were fair. Get in contact with the Anti-Apartheid Movement, which can provide leaflets and pamphlets proving that the elections were a fraud.
• Organise local meetings the need to take action to stop the recognition threat and the lifting of sanctions. Speakers cam ZANU and ZAPU, Anti-Apartheid and the Zimbabwe InforA film All we want is freedom (colour, 7€ mins.) can be hired from The Other Cinema. Reach out to youth with a gig for the Zimbabre Against Racism for • ORGANISE. Affiliate to the Zimbabwe Emergency Campaign Committee. Set up local ad-hoc committees to mobilise for mass action Get resolutions passed through trade union bodies calling on the whole labour movement to implement sanctions if the Tories lift them, and campaign for the presen ones to be tightened up and extended to South for the opening of the big multinationals' books so that the sanction.
STOP THE TORY SELL-OUT!
ASSEMALE TOE SIMTHAELDS MANKETE