meaning of her • record of her red no sweet and r childhood. She i the occasional This book, gathering, but her capitalism. localed, 1 is of her tears, the working class aternal whippings, † attention, from the family moved rying to scratch a ting soil. From her ents, two powertul proper rie: the need to 1 existence and the sequences of being e had set foot in disappearance. ed that education thesis, escape roule from /e casual consumscepts can hardly urning meant to class limitations knowledge, she scion beyond her the subjection of which has been olitics became her a Socialist Party mpathiser of the a supporter of the vement, for which interrogation and of popular War 1.
Saw as woman's up determined to fer body seemed mistrust. Through veral affairs with fearful of sexual he horrors of two gles' (p. 189-90).
were intinitely It of motherhood. ing herself to join cratic freedoms. oman's condition. ith control move urnalistic job; her lay with Indian ngth of her revul1 female qualities ossible to see what th other women ak. solution lemonstrating that pects she was no Intellectually, you way with il.... but sexua! or socjal you just like any lian nationalists of id chosen to work usband — were no er men to point a ee woman and cry lirection Marie ran Marxism & Politics:
Oxford University Press £3.50 which together with a volume by Raymond Williams launches the new OUP Marxist Introductions series, purports to make a contribution to the development of a Marxist tradition' of political studies of (in particular) the countries of advanced On the pretext that there does not yet exist a sufficient body of theory to constitute such a tradition, Miliband attempts to delimit the problematic within which it must be situated. Inevitably, however, his text touches on a number of questions which are as it were, at the interface between this and related problematics.
Marx, Engels and Lenin consistently emphasised, however, that the dictatorship of the proletariat, to the extent that it functions to organise the hegemony of and to suppress the forcible resiscance of the bourgeoisie and its allies, is no less a state than the political form which it supplants. The assertion that it is no longer a state expresses rather the essential point that, unlike its predecessor, the constitutive function of the proletarian state is to facilitate its own eventual Miliband's implicit rejection of this This failure to acknowledge that the determinant structure of bourgeois democracy is inherently and necessariiy reproductive of the whose "removal he advocates, leads hum towards the formulation of a revolutionary reformist" position essentially identical to that propounded by, for example, by left social democrats Iske Geoff Hodgson and Geoff Roberts.
Like them Miliband theorises an adaptation of the concept of dual power as a Nexible and complex network of organs participation operating throughout civil society and intended not to replace the state but to complement it" (p. 188), Associated with this is his untenable assertion thar "the civic freedoms which, however inadequately and precariously, for part of bourgepis democracy are the product of centuries of unremitting popular strugClearly, it is essential to recognise the substantive content of bourgeois densoMoreover, popular struggle undoubtedly contributed to the extension of suffrage and associated civil liberties'. The reality of this process must not, however, be seen in isolation from its social and institutional conditions of possibility.
The book, nevertheless, fulfils well enough the function of an introduction lo Marxist political theory, although the promise in the advertising bluth that it (together with other volumes in the series) will also make an 'original contribucion to its "intellectual discipline cannot he regarded seriously.
PAUL BELLIS Incorporated provides many interesting insights into the workings of the Zionist state, the thinking of its founding elites and the structures of its main institulions such as the Histadrut and the kibbutzim). There is also some useful material on the position of the Oriental Jews who, despite the systematic dis crimination from which they suffer in State of all the Jews", traditionally constituted a reservoir of support for the worst chauvinist and militarist forces in Israel (such as Begin).
The fact, nevertheless, thar there was a significant response to the recent meas ures taken by the Moroccan and Iraqi Jews to return to the countries of origin indicates the depth of the Zionist state's failure to solve the problems of the Oriental-Jewish population, as well as exposing once again the hypocrisy of the 'Let My People Go' campaign (after all the money spent on emigration of Soviet, US. British, Latin American Jews to Israel could be used to improve the living standards of the Oriental Jews, but that, of course, would negare the purpose of Zionism).
The shameful degeneration of the Zionist movement (even if this degeneration was inevitable, given its original premises) → the growing cynicism, the flagrant corruption of the "Labour' bureaucracies, the militarisation of the economy, public support for crazies, the increasingly close relationship between Israel and South Africa (which extends to the kibbutzim belonging to reputediy left-wing Hashomer Hatzair) is documented in considerable detail, The chapter on Israel and the US' explores the two dominant hypoth eses (an abandonment of Israel by its imperialist protector, or heightened US-Arab tension, leading to a strengthening of the Washington-Tel Aviv alliance and perhaps even a joint offensive against the countries) and seers to lean towards the latter view Davis concludes with a call for a socialist, multi-nationaL democratic Republic in Palestine', but the most perfect revolutionary blueprint is useless unless you indicate, in Lassalles" words, not only the goal but also the path. How can the Palestinians use the tremendous weight they have acquir. ed within the Israeli economy to overturn the system which exploits and oppresses them? What should be the main priorities of the Isracli socialist left which, no doubt to prove that libertarians can be just as sectarian as