Into a manifestation of racial wisdom: the Bntwn galt tor poacca nic non-moscar change Basking in its "golden age" of colonial depredation, the new Anglo-Scottish bourgeoivie felt no barticular need to reform and modernize its state system. The ramshackle machiony was simpes paunea pand expanded where necessary. Dynasty and all. Political sloth was justified as '"laissez-faire": ideological somnolence was under-written hy the new, romantic myth of origins — a sickly travesty from which the Revolution drained away altogether, and where Charles I became atragichero. Atthecore of thirsystem, all the vital Teamares Dr Ene tomocaluny Conpe remained intact (asthey dotoday): hierarch deference, a civil-based elitism, gentlemanly secrecy in government, 'amateur" adminz tration, and so on.
BICYCLING KINGS This is the context that explains the new role of the monarchy in modern Great Britain -ог, в и more ancuy ватас so ss, ea Britain which has refused ta become "modern" for so long that it is now incapable of the jump without a revolution. From mid-Victorian times onward, as the West minser polity slumped into ever inore convinced inertia and self-satisfaction, OVONSTC GNUTS UCR MOOTNCT IOT significant, Under the Empire, socio-political conservatisns was registering a success without precedent. Kingship became the mighty expression of this tendency tendency which, of course, could not help being really popular in nature, and basically affecting the development of Britain's WTKUE CIZSS MOYEICTES ITE ATM ORa OO DO aE WBAC IE the social sky (as fairy-tale accounts pretend). They are surrounded by 1 necrophiliac state-order groaning with beautified relics, TEST YO TE HS TEN and mystic precedents Reconstruction of this tomb was a first priority of the post-1945 Labour Government. The Crown rests, as it has done since the Revolution, upon a narrow but determin. CLS CLEBEVOIU O LOC SHELL BECHHE ment of that mass passivity linked to empire. It is the whole pre-modern begembony which supplies the climate of British Royalty. Without the former, the latter would at once lose the peculiar ideal power and populanty if still споут.
Thisis whyit is quite misleading to compare the Windsors to other surviving forms of monarchy. Ir istrue that some modern states (like Denmark or Sweden) have retained a ceremonial dynasty in preferenoe to an clected president, But this is the obverse of what happened in the United Kingdom. Here an archaic state-order has employed - Onc might say over-employed — the symbolism ol monarchy to avoid modernisation. The Windsors are not really bicycling kings and queens, egalitarian monarchs. They are the tools of an inaccurate social conservatism which has successfully emasculated both cpalitarianison and political democracy.
PYRAMID OF LACKEYS As British imperialism shrank and the regime wobbled on the long downward caurse, the Crown sweled in importance Each new retreat was accompanied by louder Royal salvoes, more obsequions slaverings from the high bourgeais Establishment and tore hysterical flag-waving down helow. In general, a Crowned Head is supposed to fancrion ar a palpable image of continuity and reassurance; bere, it acts as a powertel guarantee of sifling over-continuity and Empire-style complacency.
It would he a much happier situation if Queen Elizabcih were functioning as an opiate co forestall the comuna socialis: rerolbon. toe teuto is mans ocgree 300 dismal. She and ler pyramnid of lackeys constiture a dead-weight repressing — so 10 speak — the revolution before last in Britain. Their ideological force is built upon a nou ancient loss of radical nerve by the bourgooisic itself capitulation of last century, most strikingly expressed for us by the virtual disappearance of middle class republicanism in Victoria's reign. The 'magic" of our monarchs is the sweet odour of docay arising frem this mountainous dunghill of unfinished bourgeois business.
The particular, exaggerated popularity Royalty enjoys is the voie of a siall-active social conservatison. It is one manifestation praceuon winen turncu ts pock do toe pain The - upon tbe itner of progress generations ago, then grew unable to do anything eise. Now, tach new hatf-heared and knock-kneed failure to "put Britain on its feet again" is followed hy a relapec loto Tolkein like reveries of compensation. The Dynasty is esential for this. Thus, the Labour Party launched its last white-hot painless revolution in 1964-67; a decade afterwards il i presiding over che Silver Jubilee and quice openly praying far North Sea oil to make the Golden event of 2002 possible. Oil will keep the invalid carcinec going as the empire ance did. Al the end Sir David Omen's Govermment will stage a aist cemirspecacmar maclak toe remain central to allthe non-Labouris forms of socialism in Brilain. However, there is little value in abusing the Monarch hersell, in IOSUNI HUIN HIC ACHIEOEL SACITASU where sheisenthroned. Whentbiseditice/sat last shaken down it will bury her dynasty in TIES TUIES NEW STATESMAN GIBBERISH Prospects for such a consummaticn loc etter than for many years, At last, ti bourgeoisie itself has came lo despair of the anachronistic stare which once served it se well. There is a steadiy mounting ride of criticisin of the formerly sacrosanct Constr tution and party-politicalsysrem (even from arch-Tory figures like Lord Hailsbam). Nes asaults are being prepared on the central hasrion of Whitehall's Old Corruption, the "Administrative Class" of cbe bureaucracy Nol even the atmosphere of general reaction me are now enduring has prevenled this disimtegration. The capitalist class longer really believes that it is simply "economic policy which is wrong, or tha this or the nest caucus in Downing Street will finally 'get it right". It has begun to grasp tha economic fiasco is inseparable from nature of this pre-modern hegemonic ander. Slowly, still fitfully — because of the clast with its acumulared instincts of rule — anl acuter section of the elite is manceuvring towardsa sharper break wili tradition. It still bavls "God Save the Queen' one moment, quavering at the thought of the nest Honours List: but the very next it reads in ils house-magazine, The Economist, that "Britnin's constitutional system, consecrated by its monarch, is both its chief blessing and its greatest impediment to change By preserving, as well as she does, the ides of continuity in the Life of her country, the Queen has unwittingly heiped to protec those who have used what constitutionally exists to obstruct change..." (Jube 4 1977, 'A Meaning to Jubilee').
Of course, The Economisr does not follow its own logic and advise removal of tlb impediment to change. Like the New Stales man (in whose "Anti-Jubilee" issue the main article is a resounding defence of the monarcby) it bolds fast to the founding hypocrisy of our state. Alter Che usual stageering cable of hopeless infirmities and structural failures wbich obstruct change" in Her Majesty's realm, the editorialist blandi concludes that fucore Prime Ministers must, simply must, do hetter. The Monarch berself should employ the Queenly offices in that direction. Premiers should be encouraged, by her in private and by orhers in public, to use the cloak of dignity thar royalty can put upon change to stop Britain's constitutional democracy being so inefficiently undemo cratic.. Aller all, since she is an obatacle to any effective change whatever, it does follow that she provides 'one large assurance. apainst change gecting our of hand', LOSS OF MARBLES Even by the standards of Jubilee Week, this is awe-inspiring drivel. Unable to raise much public protest against the orgy, socialists can take some comfor from the fact that the ruling class is losing its marbles. As one stone after another falls on its head off the crumbling old pagoda, the ancient Windsor Weldawschaung gives way too. The Observer and the BBC will go on stufting royalist polyfitla into the cracks as Jong as they can. But the Coundations themselves are collapsing under the added stresses of world recessios and the nationalist withdrawals in Scotland and Wales, Rather than squirming oer the Jubilec, socialists ought to plan - l hoge with at least a mensure of optimiam -for the day when the rulers admit that the old huilding is abinhab table, and conse out of ir fighting
14 SOCIALIST CHALLENGE 16 June 1871