King had at least 32 visions. including two of Adol! Hitler.
THE IMG Is holling a school on 'South Africa the rise of workers struggles on Saturday 28 January, 10am. Palytechnic rei Ist floor. Polytechnic Central London, Cavendish St, London W1. [Note the change of venue.] Socialist Challenge supporters are welcome.
SHARE SHREE far left organisations in France have published a joint ONCEUTE LOr the "The TENE signed by the HAECCICIE.
Revolutionary Communist League (LCR), Communist Workers" Organisatica (OCD, and Communist Committees printed in the first issue of the NOW COMEDUCERNET continentul Press/Inprecor include: "Bangladesh -Where is the ETA Headed?" Unfinished Revolution' and Suarez's Economic Emer.
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Until quite recutly it seemed that the March elections would be a straight fight between the two allianos of ruling workine class parties March with the Union of the Left this thread which held wing snapped. On both sides there is The strike for six months. alliance led La clear crisis of leadership in the face of inevitable class con and The crisis of the right is more Now, than a dispute between parties.
It reveals the crucial acakness in the Gaullist constitution as a the Tight whole. That weakness has been exposed, not from outside for the working class parties Demonstration in London laer Saturday in sclidarity with Turkish steel workers, who have bean on E work.
PRESIDENT TURES will do anything to avOid challenging the constitution -but through the absence of th personnel to make the system The 1958 constitution, witl overwhelming presidential was designed by one inan for his own use: de Caulle When he departed there w'as an constitution. gunmickery CHIRAC cessor in Pompidou, who had been trained in at the Lous XIV pretensions of presidential BUCHSEETA this made abig method of government which WES HATE TRIEDIC.
de Gaulle and Pompidou had used a solid bloc of patrotic middle and ruling class support lo maintain their authoritarian rule, Ciscard has tried to dispense with his cold style reactionary backers and win a Dew centre ground. But Be chose the very moment when the centre was sappearls His project is well expressed where he admits the possibility of a left-wing party taking a slice of coveromental power. The working class parties are happy to resure the complineat and serve in povertment under Ciscard, respecting the 1958 For the most part Giscard's capitalist backers have been prepared to buy this sort of iden. The old sovte Gaullists still the largest single section of the French cloctorate have not. The middle unpressed by Giscard's This womel ministers and 'progressive Ara time when the coonomy worsening. workers struggles were on the up, and a left government seemed creasingle-Jekely. classes were not prepared lo wait in the centre to hecome voting Todder for an asing arthe other Jacques Chirae. Giscard'. Price Minister. recognised While Giscari was developing hit own unique bend of the chic and the foikey Chirac USTINE an carly Iceislative election to forestall Giscard wouldn't listen he ser up be his own, good against Giscard's candidate for major i Paris nst sear... and won Already the line up was clear.
side Ciscard 200 a goveroment of 'technicians" who would come up with all the right policies to save the rubine wage cuts, uncorployment and the rest but couldn't win an election to save their collective life. Dr the other Charac and the majoric: of thema ority COLLAPSE Too late Giscard tried to stor the split. The pust year a French oclonial niventures in Africa was, in part, an allempt to reassert Giscard appointees as the representatives of a united France.
But this could only works opposition hel long as the together. The Gaullist supportclass electoral win und the mas. upsurge that would follow worse than 1968. The collapse of the left and their pathetic failure to provide a workine class leadership has been 1hi cue for the detacicive break.
The old Gaullist consensus' is dead No doubt the next few weeks will spring more surprises, but wecansay with confidence that French politics will never quite the same again.
N 2 months time, on 12 March, elections to the Legislative Assembly there exists a good possibllity that the Socialist Party (PS) and the Communist Party (PCF) will win an absolute majority. A government in Western Europe in which a "Eurocommunisr" Party has a prominent position is on the agenda, Ten months ago such an outcome was a near certsui. In the municipa cestions the F3 and PCF had swept to victory. However since Union of the Left, which includes the PS, PCF and a sail bourgeois pretender of at car the os and Pr found themselves unable to agree over the re-drafting of the 1972 Common Programme. The dispute arose over two issues. The secondary one related to the national minimum wage. PCF called for minimum wage oi 21i frane wile the Ps stood for 2000. On this question the PS found Trade Union lederations, the COT PS has fallen into line.
The major point of disagreement occurred over the extent of nationalisation the Common Programme would call for. The Programme states that nine major firms would come under state control. However it does not specify if all their subsidiaries would he included. The PCF therefore claimed tha 1450 firms should be nationalised. The PS said only 60. After discussion the PCF wered its figure to 729 and the PS upped i o 250. Among the concessions the PCF mad was to dropsnc demand for nationansation of the motor giant Peugeot Citruen which employs The differences berween the two Parties had narrowed to such an extent ax to only involve 0.000 workers, or less than 1 percent of all the firms in France. But let us not forget that both agree to cave N5 per cent of the economy in privat revertheless this difference prove insoluble. The negotiations on the updated Programme broke down and a fierce polemic began.
LETTURN pretext. Underlying this apparently 150C 20С CHICSUCHS of the balance of forces within the Union of the Left and the prospects of the two Parties should they form a joint Government.
In the space of ten years the Socialist Party. under the leadership of Francons Mitterrand, risen from a humiliating 5 percent Presidential vote, to the country's largest vote winning Party, In the 1976 cantonal elections the PS. for the first time. larger percentage of the vote than the PCF. From being a Party irrelevant to ine ruling class the PS has become the one which may yet prove their saviour, The PS has made this advance essentially since its agreement with the PCF in 1972. The elt turn i took at iL 1971 congress, the growth of the CFDT (the trade union corlederation led by the est the radicalisation of white collar workers and the STEELEIS gained within working class due to its alliance with the PCF has consolidated the growth of Mitterrand's social democratic party:
Mitterrand, recognising that the PS has grown deto the Union of the Left, knows he cannot govern successfully without the backing of the PCF. It is the PCF, via the CGT, which dominates the heavy industria sectors of the workers movement. Without the support of the CGT and the PCF Mitterrand could give no stability and thus his use for the ruling class would decline. Mitterrand therefore wants the PCF to be responsible to a new left! government, but he has no wish to make any concessions to the Communists to persuade chem ro do sa.
CLEFT STICK The Communis: Party finds itself caught in force its way into government and secure On the other hand it realises that when in зостате 1 ми вате to поріснесл austerity measures which can only lose its operate workera morer The recent local elections were a ster warning to the PCF. On is right flank che PS continued is rise to become France's largest polilical DarEy while 115. let a revolutionary slate won not insignificant votes, The conclusion drawn election by a section of the PCF leadership.
led by an old member of the Political Bureau, Roland Leroy, was to reassert the authorty of the PCF within the working class The Party of the Poor./ Above All the Parly leadership wants to avoid a repeat of 1943-43 whereby it look its place in the De Gaulle government only to be unceremoniously dropped after two years with no lasting gains If the PCF is to take the respoosibility in u Guverument Jacing a capitalist economic crisis then it wants its own ranks homogenous Socialist Party to power in the legislative elections on 19 march.
transfer votes to the Socialist Party after the first round of the election on 12 March.
Party leadership?
RICSISSONS and PAM HURST explain.
1967[L] 1968(L) 1969[P] 1973[L] PCF 22.51 20.05 PS 18.96 18.53 [L]: Legislative.
and somerhing in return. The prize it desites is ministerial portfolios and leading manage. ment nostons within the nationalised industries. Within those sectors conomy designated by the Common Prosral ime for nationalisation the CG is the dominant union. As it is the employees who will elect the managing director, the PCF is sure through its influence in the CGT to win such positions. future someone denie the Po ca Nevertheless the present situation.
tensions both within leadership of the Party and between it and the rank and file.
Since the September break over the redrafting of the Common Programme the PS. Ate the Cental Come nt 5-6 PS. After October last year sorges Marchais General Secretary of the PCF, accused the PS of moving ro the right; of seeking new allies in the centre of French polities; and wanting to implement a left austerity programune. On all these points we can only remain sceptical.
Was it not this same central committee the Union It is now two weeks since the French Communist Party finally tore up the Common Programme, which was expected to sweep themselves and the Furthermore the same conference of the Communist Party threatened not to What are the reasons for this turn-around in the tactics of the Communist Voting figures for the PCF and PS since 1967 [per cent] 1976[C] 21.52 21.29 22.82 5.07 19.16 26.28 [P]: Presidential. [C]: Cantonal.
niceting that Marchais stated: 'Have we been seeking a project for the constriction of a socialist saxiety? Obviously It is also the case that the PCF. not content with dropping from its progranute the call for the dictatorship of the proletariat. now also maintenance of the French SUPPOrTEE nuclear strike force and favours a year of compulsory military service. A PCF deputy in the Assembly recently staced, We have confidence in the military.
Marchais accuses Mitterrand of seeking nev allies. Does this mean that the PCF has dropped its approach Union of the Left to the Union of the People of France'? How was this to be done it not by seeking allies in the centre such as the left CHUN SERIESSIE ADELI allies in the centre does the PCF still favour the presence of the bourgeois Radical Party in the Union of the Left?
Marchais continued by accacking Mitter. rand for: preparing to implement an of his English and Portuguese colleagues.* Bur have not Marchais" fraternal parties in SOCIALISTCHALLENGE 19 January 1978 page 13 Spain and Italy already supposed austerily Does the now condemn Carrillo and Berlinguer?
In reality on the fundamental issues the PCF does not differ fram the PS. Boll agree their tole to be that of reform; both aceeps that the capitalist market will be paransount within the economy: todi are prepared to form Cheerment under Ciscard, the ommoptent President who bas the right to dissole the CASSETED IREOCECAHCIECS MC CONSUL drafted by De Gaulle after his coup in 1958 neither sanred to dron the bourreats RadIA! Party from any alliance; and both defend NATO and the EEC This polemic against the PS was renewed in January of this year when the PCF held a two day national congress. Ar this congress, attended by 3,000 delegates, Deray steted: The strength, power and influence of the PCF constitates, henceforth, the only way for merely echoed the two and a half hour repor representatives that reede set to were at the PS in he be mea PCF should not round in those towns where the PS was the highest placed workers party after the first round As the French system operates on two rounds the usual practice is for the Jess successful workers parties to withdraw after the first round leaving the hughest placed to take on the right. Starchais caregorically stated that if the PCF only received the 21 per cent being predicted in the opinion polis. they would Bot withdraw. Thus the possibility arises of the two major working class parties contesting against cach other in the second round and allowing the right to win. If such a decision was inplemented it is certain that the workers parties would win an overall numerical majority but be the parliamentary minority:
GENERALSTRIKE Marchais, rallying the Party's forcer belore the clection, set the target of a vote of 25 per cent in the first round. This he considered to be the only way to block the PS austerity moves. Bur was it votes or the general strike that won the working class the 40 hour week and paid holidays from popular front government?
Whilst Marchais campaigns for demo: racy in France within his own party that is a different question. Marchais report, which was put to the vote, was anly shown to the leadership of the Party 24 hours before the congress and not at all to the membership. There was no right to amend the text. All the 3,000 delegates were picked by tbe federal committees in the regions, not lected by the tian tendencies within the ranks of the PC a position which Alchusser, the PCF's leading left intellectun], supports in his article in New Left Review 104. Needless to say there were no opposition speeches af the congress and when it came to the vote not one delegate Hoted against or abstained!
Al the present time wich the GiscardBarre Government implementing an austerity prograinte the central task 15 their removal. Eaving blocked all such moves by mass strike action for the last 12 months the PCF now jeopardises that possinility by a sectarian refusal to call for a vote for the highest placed workers party in che second round CLASS STRUGGLE For resolutionaries a campaien for a second round vote for the highest workers party comes to the fore as this meets the desire of the masses for unity. But that alone is not enough. It is also vital for revolutionaries to intervene in the elections around programe of demands which can take the class struggle forward, For example not nationalisation of limited sectors of the cconomy, but of all the key sectors, and most importantly without compensation and under workers control.
Such a campaign can aid the mass mobilisntion of the working class, which is the only way to stop the implementation of austerity programmes. It is through the self-activity of the workers movement rhat Giscard and the 1956 Constitution can be removed and it is on the basis of this mobilisation that tise reformist lenderships of the SP and the PCF can be forced to hreak with the bourgeoisic, its parties, such as the Radicals, and with the capitalist economy.
Such a revolutionary alternative does exist in the first round. Encouraged by the success revolutionary slate in the 1977 municipal clections three organisations, the Ligue Communiste Revolutionnaire (French section of be Fourth International), Ibe Organisation Communiste des Travailleurs and the Comiles Communistes pour Auto eestion have agreed a common platform and LEst or candidates socialism, the power to the workers."
A large vote in the first round for a clear revolutionary socialist alternative advance the strugale for revolutionary change in France loday.
moral upint. launched with much talk of revolutionary SOCIALISTCHALLENGE 19 January 197฿ page14 that SC is not. Certainly, a change of format/
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French polities are in a mess. A year age nobody could have predicted the four way split which was finalised last week when Jacques Chirac's Gaullists broke from
ly RICHARD CARVER CENTRE