of Socialis something to be desired in terms of setting the tone of a 'strategic debate". Throuch the fraternal have of that paper's new and open style we detect the steely glint of an Internacional Marxist Groap Tine" on the crisis and is reasons for its delaved political development.
Before we discuss the key issues of the curteet period some clarifying posts need to be made about the content of John's article. He humps togetber quite different political currents as centrist and Eurocommunist. For our part we have clear differences sumber of issues, e.g. coalition-type politics; 2) the Social Contract in its present form; 7) gradualist notions of the socialist transformation.
The lahel "centrist" plays a fuil role in hil identification of false theory. sociabsts in the Labour Party necessarily centrist? IF so, would the term apply to the IMG's period in the Labour Party before 1969? Thirdly. John Ross bourgeois institutions. (A thesis without an Dwner it scems) This argument s rene d straw person, easily scatlered to the winds with a Tew blunt polemical thrusts. OF course, If we had argued that the socialis revolarion was inpossible then a debate on socialist strategy would be deemed pointless, 1 is therefore worth pointing out that we have never regarded bourgeois institutions as invincible, nor regarded socialism as impossibie, We have simply tried to point out the strengths and wenknesses of the enemy. would regard such 'intelligenoe" activities as WOTAICSS OILING On the i long-term perspective 'conception of the epoch". arise systematicaily from the latter have been documented detainent of the Tros st moanen the economic perspectives, and expectations for here earlier error, and the error or he ice. thosecarliererrors, and the errors of the IMG 19714 a mave over-canadion of the mobilising power of the revolutionary left in relation to the power of social democracy. Hence, for example, the exaggerated opcinism Do the farleft during the miners" striker of 1972 and 1974.
John Ross. In orthodos Troiskyist fashion, explains the recent period of working chiss passivity in terms of the "betrayal" of the labour urcaucracy. Without besitation we agree that some lett Jones and Scanion, and some members of the Tribune group in Parliament, Foot, have played a niajor role in cushioning attacks on the right-wing policies of the Labout government. Indeed, They have been architects of those very policies in some diverse, but they, for burdened with the reiponsibility of aiding the righward drift of a government which initially clected on a programme. Personally. opposition of Socialist Challenge and others to those right-wing policies.
However, in John Ross" hands the labour bureaucracy is given a key and determining role in the whole affair I appears that the downturn in the class struggle is simply due to the "betrayal of these leaders. But the key Sumply to place blame upon reformist lenders but to explain why masses of people still give these leaders their support working class not reject the policies of the right and follow the alternatives which were Left INTERNAL Recitintend Sessions on 15 Cadition, poillical Huntions: revolutionary unity, Afric antre King SI, London WC2, 11 Fal registratin (E1 includes Jocur, 57 Salisbury 51 CHILE Seida t 00h05 AFT Saar, Devas Be DEFEND THE ARTS Matis. Binati Soanner, she group ai the centre al she unties censorship controlesy wit Divas Challenge Teaves with the apposition to:
But are all roundly attacks the and only uitra-lefts we have -Trotskyist The errors which example the democracy, after the end of the trade union leaders, particularly particularly cases Their and tbeir reasons their mistakes, are moderately we endorse the did because Becces: PO Bex 3u, London N° 2xF Chodues payable tod. WillBor ana and indis Warkers League, Big presented by the leff? This is not a simple question to answer, hut we can note how militancy was sapped by unemployment. weakened by the promises of reform in the early Social Contract, and arrested by propaganda on the danger of a detrimental 1975-6. The result or c relerendum in 1975 ratified the defear of the Wilson's roll hack of severel workine-las of several working-clas gains. There was no massive working class resissance to the offensive of the I abour right Many Labour government seemed preferable to the teturn of the Tory backwoodspersons.
Same International Socialist gro ere Socialiet Challenge supporters.
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Picardy Flace Edinburgr MATTERE wage-price is hardly Demons:rate According to the "betrayal' thesis instinctivel according to the IMC) is held in check hecause reformist ideas rain upon it from up high, and because it lacks an adequate revolutionary party to show the way. Whist we would accep the need to combat reformist ideas, and work towards che creation of a mass socialis party, it do haun in these rem. Concrete tales sufficient to annivse a detea gives way to easy sloganising To reject the betrayal thesit is not to absolve the reformists. It is a move towards a concrete analysis of the mechanisens through which the traditional leaders maintain a mass following Get in Casim Fe Lands ERITREA: The Aweslutioner Stru May Dines, director of 5e ocenily retumes fro Vor 13 Febe: 5.30pm g the hat mer arisen cf the New in the conceivable future the government.
the Parliamentary Labour whole s.zwilderness, of industrial tbe Labour nt the LACCINE LETTEE To spread propaganda bu old prescriptions and medalist pu Die RUs and thi UCh- 3231 alien goups т. 20 0085 em 40320 Ent Borer Romloro WHYZIONISM sinemaisabalacle institutions such as parlament, the Labou Pany andtradesmore sis no to say tig better" "more democratic" (wehave never said that bur They have a social weight and significance which cannot be ignored. Furthermore conscionsness and action are structured by such institutions and the relative weight of real social Toroes Hence it is not subply a matter of the working class being drowned in reformist ideas or being misled by reformists. That approach is merely ar the level of ideas and is not grounded on real PC BSCE materialist, rather than an idealist, approach to The result of this perspective must he to TeleCt many or lhe tradilanal straleric approaches that are found on the far lett. lt is believe, simply to combat hourgeois ideology Nor B 2 an adequale sirategy 'expose the reformists. Unless the Teal map of institutions and social forces is changed then there is no possibility of serious advance. It may appear that Ross socis to part of his article, that the ungent cask is to build SOCIATIS organisation. But in fact he simply displaces the back. FDE BOW IS UL: organisation to be built? In his view, it seems, it Ls done by presenting revolutionary ideas and the only realistic strategs al advance is lo key into the real foroes and insticutions which exist at present, not to come into being Perhaps unfortunately, neither the IMG nor any other organisation on the far lell represent a sufficiently powerful social force in British socies. And they show no sign of becoming so This leads us to the thorny question of the Labour Pany. Despite the righrward shift of most of the constituency Executive Commitice, have remained on the Jell. Due to external and interbal pressure the Laboue Party, (not the Labour Government, or Party) has, example, mounted an important anti-racis, and anti-fascist campaien which, despite ils defects has had a considerable effec in the country as g Joe Ashron's TV broadcast. The far Jeff just has to admic that it has neither the resources nor the institutional weight to achieve Party can he used to grear effect by genuine socialias working within it. At long as the far left refuses to admit this it will lose massive Before 1965 the entire revolutionary left wa inside the Inbour Party Then, during the late 19605, most of the groups left, leaving the ling Militant group, with its crude syle of politics, to make massive and undeserved gains. Frout 1969 50 1974 the lar Jell groups led on the wast militancy that emerged in the period. But they were derailed by the victory ol polla Now it & partialh recognised that the industrial struggle is not the orly struggle and a contest with the right ou the necessary We would go further than that. The object of an electoral intervention should not simply be also 1o shif the naterial balance of forces on the parliamenta terrain. Unless thar is done the warking class will remain trappod by reformism. This is by no means an orthodox Leninist strategy. neither does it mirror the reformist fatalison of Kautsky (even the kaursky of 1908h But me are not going to ger very far by endlessly repeating the pease in the Middle Bast Нос -Lio can Rs, Lender EnD The badge with the anti-racist slogan that no militant should plus 7pp&ptorone, or 16p each for ten or more. From J. Wilson PO/cheques should be made out to J. Wilson.
SOCIALIST CHALLENGE, 9 February, 197B page B