WOUNDED IN THE DUBLIN RIOTS:
BURDENEL REATNER:
First is the issue of British working class solidaricy Irish workers, Tony Cliff used the example of the 1913 Dablin enthusiastic response arug seclions of the British class. Thus, argued Cliff, to is simply not true that workers are not ready to 2o in solidarity with Jrish workers. In drawing such a conclusion qunlifications needed It should be remembered that all of Ireland in 1913 was.
RAIDED HIS HOUSE AND. BROKE It was not only the rank and file who expressed sympathy with the victims of the 1913 lock-oul. Even the Daily Mirror publicised police attacks on members of the TGWU. But such sympathy was not forthcoming eitherfrom the 'rank and file or the Daily Mirrorwhen one of the leaders of 1913, James Connolly was executed for his part in the 1916 Rising.
the leadership of the British Labour Party who demanded the execution of James Con nOEls for his part on the 19ie Rising, but what protest was there from the "rank and file' at chat execution or at Britain's part in the war for Irish independence which was to follow?
To Tony Cliff's statement about it not being true that British workers are not prepared to take solidarity with Irish workers, can therefore be scued the nder 'as long as irish workers confine themsches to MAN WHO SAYS THE POLICE UP HIS FURNITURE, Cliff indicated thar one reason for advocating a Right to Work march in Ireland was the possiblities it opened up for socialisis to establish contact with the Protestant workers. Comrade Clf was also to give an historical example of such unity — around an industrial dispore -Catholic Irish workers in LaverTOol I 1911 The dill'erence Liverpool and Belfast is not merely a mattler of geography. There have been examples in impossible while tics in Ireland.
BUC IS rule. It would of is in the factories, on Ireland. Hopefully MOBILISE right to self-determination. of Protestant and ing to change between people.