THE two main imperialist powers in southern Africa, Britain and the US like to pose as beign, disinteresied brokers between the twn intransigent camps of white racism and black nationalism. This should be seen for the mystification it is.
The AFRICA IN STRUGGLE GROUP looks al the international forces at würk in Zimbabwe.
Imperialist strategy for Zimbabwe and southern Africa has not changed -DIT TaCSuEs.
The long term aims remains orderly transition to pro-Western black regimes which would keep the region ITELT within the world capitalist Diplomatic and constitutional efforts are now seen as the correct tactic.
This soft' offensive, coupled with empty thetoric abour human rights, does not rule out military intervention to reinforce the aims of the talk shops, The events in Zaire in May ilustrate this point. When there was diplomațic optiob and no alternative to the existine neo-colomial regime of Mobulu, the US sent air transport and other logistical support to ferry French and Belgian Vietnam was aided partially by the public and televised hearings conducted by Senator Fulbright on behalf of the Foreign Relations Commitice Watergate issue itself exploded after a Senate Committee (again publicly)
interropated the culprits.
Such an examination is virtually unthinkable in Britain. In reality the modes of functioning of the government and the decision-making process ate engulfed in secrecy. That is why CabInet Minister's dreams are the dream of every publisher.
Thus there is an clement of truth in Wilson's observation above. The reason why a Watergare is ECTEEN unlikely is because of the closed nature of British bourgeois democracy.
There is a conspiracy of silence which invoies the civil service, the povernment, the judiciary and the media. The British press is notorious throughout the capitalist world for its servility and timidity.
EXPERTISE It has neither the equivalent of a Washington Post, nor a Le Monde or a Frankfurter SUTESCERN A5 Aflunbladet (the newspaper of the Suedihonsia de worray be anthihy unions) it would unthinkable. It might actually interest social-democratic workers in politics.
It is these specific features of British society which help to explain how the cover-up on sanctions could have taken place over a period of 12 fears, constitutes a unique tribute to the skilis and expertise of the British ruling class, perfected by years of experiénce.
Kerolutionary socialists have always argucd- that bourgeois democracy conld be nothing but limited, as its central purpose is to peeserve the rule of capitalists over the working class. That remains our position.
However, all social-democrats, and not a lew liberal-democrats, should be asking themselves more chan a few questions at the present time.
They all claim io be ardent defenders of democratic rights. In fact they claim that democratic rights can only be defended bourgeois democracy At the very least, then, they should subjcet the functioning of the system in this society to a fundamental critique. They democracy, for a wiiae pistie mone should agitale Cor makine le meds accessible la political, racial or cutural minorities There are some things they could leara from Sweden and other countries in the field of democratic richts.
The other question which is raisod is that ol lbe Labour government. Labour has oow been in power almost continuously since 1964, with the brief exception of 1970-74 whien Heath was Prime Minister. There & mo way in which its role can be whitewashed.
In a pungent survey of Labour's record on this question, Bruce Puge in the Statesman challenged (correctly in nur view) the attempt of the Labour establishment to. load all the blame on the drooping paratroops and military equipment to stamp out the threat to imperialist interests.
British Foreign Secretary David Owen has revealed that contingeney plans for a British military intervention in Zimbabwe have long existed and have recently been updated in light of the Zaire experience and the growing military crisis.
We are also informed, without any explanation, that British paratroopers are to spend Christmas in South Africa.
Owen uses the well-worn rhetoric of umanitarian concern for the people of Zimbabwe, black and white.
But where was Owen's (or Carter's) concert when the Rhodesian forces Mozambique in November 1977 ar when South African troops killed 600 Namibian civilians in Kassinga in PAgOdE NEAY?
Contingency Owen and US Secrelary of Stare Vance continue to push the Anglo-American settlement proposals as imperialism's optimum tactical option.
shoulders of Harold Wilson, It is true that Wilson is increasingly beticin He The remembered as the most discredited post-war Prime Minister. for lt Wilson's attempi to deny knowiedee of what was going on after February 1968 is simuply pathetic. If it were true it sbould leave even the staunchest antMiarkbt t0 apalaDi concueons reparduig. the nature of LILIANAL -uitan bs Lori Thomson, sgly rebutted by admits that the Cabinet was conscious of what was going on and that its decision to accept what was taking place was conditioned by the forood devaluation and the economic situation of Britain.
DECISIONS Bruce Page stated last week that all decisions on Rhodesia were diverted to Cabinet committecs KnOWH code-name RX.
Their existence was first revealed in the Crossman Diaries. composition was designed to exclude munisicrs wlic were for sanctions, such as Barbara Castle and Judith Hart, Arthur Bottomley had also been the better. co-opt both WInPY removed and continue PF leadership turned leadership and black Zimbabwean of ZANU Chimoio raid on emerged as clear favourite military plans apart, Angola, If the leaders of ihe nationalist. | the doyen of imperialism in the subrenoved in summer 1966 from the Commonwealth Office and replaced by • seedy and shallow Herbert Bowden.
probably extremely hostile lo Smith; as for DURULT -ne wasJocal According to Crossman, morcinis can be peaceanty bronent into a nco-colonial seltlement, so much For them the best solution is to Ol the Patriotic Vorster's Front, ZANU and ZAPU, since then African premie the central threat of the guerilla war is Those rank and file guerillas and militants who opt out of chis sell-out aberation would face the full wath ors •SLAL imperialist interests, neo-colonial govertment, hacked by Western arms.
threats. its following. would depend on the resolvr and ZAPU militants te Angola continue the struggle and on whether President Machel of Mozambique were lo maintain his support for the struggle.
Joshua Nkome of ZAPU has now WILl an LaOS. international backing that includes the US and Britain, the USSR and Cuba Presadent Neto Zambia's President Kaunda and the Nigerian goverument, and even Bottomicy was Wilson better than HE did, Jim!
and when he had told the ashamed of our record. anatber dimen- To intrue.
HOSE КПРИ PARLISSn D particular gem.
Her aversion to black irelevance. The left social-democrars. nol be especally had already Harold Wilson is perfectly aware of makiue.
characteristically evasive. sure of one fact:
W henever anvooe Suilty on every count. continent, Tiny Kowland of Lonrho.
This coterie of backers and bis burgeoning army gave Niomo a clear lead in the neo-colonial race.
resignation BA DOLEE and changes nothing.
Soulh Africa fees concern for if considerable economic interests in кловна, штемелсо ру достна war. by a potential hestile Sod by us ard Bolish tiva Douhtless the new Prime Minister will inherit from Vorster military and olier contingencies to counter "suc"
The from line states - Zambia, Mozambique, Botswana, Tanzania and - Play a crucial cole in imperialist strategy and in influencing the course of the liberation strugute Zambia and Mozambique especially. as hosts for military bases and refupee CCICEEs an Owen-Vance plan io pressurise the Bccaa uuo pompeouising anti-imperialist aims of the strugale.
Kauda nas many limes SNOYH himself willing to act against the strugele by repatriating, imprisoning or sanctions" His removal from the Exchequer to the Foreign Office is unlikely to have changed his mind.
And yet, despite this fact, Callaphan pretended to he hurt when President Kaunda of Zambia questioned British law?
OIL GATE
sincerity is applying sanctions.
Only a year ago Bricaio's man at the United Nations, Ivor Ricbard, stated: "The Uk has tried honestly and hard to enforce sanctions, and we are nod Ne have 410 pagi mildiy, this was Hanghamı Report as a riposte to that British Labour in office serves the needs and interests of British capital. This statement always annoys We are told that it is typical of Troeskyists to caricature their oppoDents, Weare supposed to be simplistic. crude beyond belief. We are alleged to live in a dream-world of pur own BRKCS ENeSC fight remarka again we shall reply with one word: sanction-busting. For Labour is Will the British sate now implement even killing scores of ZAPU militants for challenging the direction of th: strupelc.
He has on several occasions arranged participated in negotiations berween Niomo, Smitl and Vorster Machel too has acted with the ZANU leadership in deraining scores of ZANU "opportulisms", 'ultra leftism being reactionary agents of Like Zamhia, Mozambique is feeling InC pnea pE Word Te55o0 Ba especially the South African strangleBOUHESCLUBORS The fact that lewer Morambicun WUSLSCICCUEI SOULTCLU TH slave labour in the mines is because South Africa doesn't nood so many at Hie moment, not hecause Machel has a stralegy of disengagement.
Machel and Kaunda upently want Lhe restabilisation of Zimbabwe, even as a neo colony. This is the imperialst stralegist:" trump card.
sopnatures of Kaunda and Machel on a nco-colonial solution for Zimbabwe would be a serious set-back for the strugele.
is own laes? Will the Attornew Cicneral prosocute Shell/BP execulives? Will the House of Commons impeach Wilson, Heath, Callaghan, and Healey? Will the cieil servants involved io this cover-up (including the one who nas since Cocotie executive) be charged with breaking the CYNICAL At the cost of being charged with being cynical, we must confess tha: we doubr it. A few scapegonts will be sacrificed, . Some of' them are atready dead politically. But nothing more wil ha for we live in Batan, and Briush politicians, judges, leader-writers, civil seryants, and capitalists are loyal co Their own.
Will there be a boc and cry at the Laboor Party conference? Will Tony Bena unleash a Terocious atrack on Wilson/Callaghan? Will the sad ligure of Michael Foot rise ahove his own opportunism?
ATTITUDE Will Terry Duffy and Moss Evacs CEDESLE.. MENSHES CITE students of Zimbabwe whe have fillen In scruBele agalnst Smilh 30u the white settler repime? Once again we doubt it.
the issue or sancuion-busting Zimbabwe cannor be seen as isolared from che attitode of Batish Labour towards Southern Africa as a whole.
British policy has sought to present the Soutli Alrican raciss as realiste" who were trying to restrain Smith. Thes were. Bue ouly because they feared that a defeal for the whites as a result of a protracted guert la struggle might have even more of an impact ut South Africa itself than the Liberation ol Mozam bique and Angola.
The United Nations has called for an ecomomic boycorr of South Africa Britain has opposed such a boycott for obvious reasons. British capitalism is hewvily invchived in the expioiatioo o the South African blacks, It is in a literal sense, dripping with blood from hand to foot'.
It is a measure of the chauvintism and insularity of the British labour movement, aod of the wcakness of the far left, that no effective campaign has been mounted on Southern Africa.
OPPORTUNITY Unlese this changes in the coming years we will not he able ro protfer too many excuses 1o those who fought io Zimbabwe or contronted theu oppir exsors in Soweto.
Both bistory and tinse are on their side, We neust ensure that they do bot alone The sanction-husting operations of British Labour offer & real apportonity to develop a broad campaign on these and related GUES HDNS.
Socialist Challenge 28 Septerber 1978 page 9