How do you think the Government was able to get away with Phase 3?
It's not surprising in the sense that we're living whole might of the media is hire ted system towards convincing people that if they adopt anything other than Government policy it spells doom and disaster economically speaking - for them.
But it's also aided, inevitably, by the TUC's collaboration with the Government's policies, and more importantly by the collaboration tactics or the individual trade union leaders.
This has the effect of depressing the whole movement and suppressing any action that rank and file workers may take on tneir own inmanve to bring about fundamental changes in wages 41001080IS At the same time, of course, one should remember they've also had to have a lot of phoney deals and they've had to make including the one with the which has given a number of mineworkers a lot of money and a large number of mineworkers very little Report money.
In an interview I did with you a year ago, you confidently predicted that the first part of the fighthack would be a struggle by the miners and that you saw this as the way to roll back Government's offensive.
You referred to the part played by the miners in the struggle against the Tories in 1972 and 1974 as an indication of what would happen over this past year.
What balance sheet would you make of your forecast and how would you assess where we are at now?
Quite simple. If you look back at the earlier interview, I think that under the circumstances I was absolutely right.
What happened was that the mineworkers went on record - in fact were already on record - as wanting £135 Der week which woule nave naoune effect of smashing to smithereens the incomes poncy and une waoie social Contract that the miners in democratic ballot some two and a half months atter that interview effectivelv defeated the whole concept of and demanded a reiteration of the claim for £135.
I don't think that you or 1 or anyone else could have predicted that the NUM executive for the very first time in its history could completely violate the rules and constitution of the union.
That it would ignore all conference decisions and procedures, every preccaent SCE allowing their members, with the active support of the Coal Board. to introduce their own incentive scheme and thus CIrCUlIVCIL the and individual ballot decision which had democratically defined the union's policy.
The projections that I made were absolutely correct. It was only when the NUM executive ignored its constitution, and when the legal system came to its assistance, that it was able to divert SENC INUV away BONI collision with the Government and its incomes poncy.
Socialist Challenge 2 November 1978 page 8 Hevented in the future? How such First, the fight for union democracy is where the now paramount. You can forget wages resolutions in the NUM because it's quite clear that the ment-oriented leadership of the NUM and the totally collaborationist TUC General Council will go their own wa and support Government policy.
Rank and file action is You've got to have action on the scale 1969 unofficial mineworkers' strike.
I'm convinced that we'll now have a spate of unofficial action in the mining industry and in other industries that will bring about a change of policy as far as the Social Contract and incomes policy is concerned. If it doesn't, then obviously I'm wrong When that struggle takes place is Miners, trade unionists in general, miners, can be persuaded to vote for certain policies that will be harmful to them. But there comes a time when you can't fool all the people all of the time...and I Think that that HIne approaching.
We've already seen the example of spontaneous unofficial strike action in the coalmining industry over a whole number of issues and this points the way to the future.
The question is whether this response here and there productivity schemes — and organised response led by people ike vourselt in a fight against offensive of the employers Government and for new policies and leadership for Your position is completely actory. rou cannot nave tne kina ol spontaneous unofficial action that 1 am predicting will nappen - 1 am nol saying that we're encouraging it, but that it will happen -have the kind of WOLLE unofficial.
The thing is a contradiction in terms an I agree with you that the NUM is not separate from the rest of the trade union movement — it is an integral part of it. We have suffered the same attacks as the rest of the movement.
But in the face of this situation, I am trying to suggest that there will be individual actions. I'm sorry, don t agree witn you that you will ger and ignore the kind of co-ordinated There is fragmented opposition, among wide sections of the labour degree of the argument that the answer to the crisis is 'national unity' and the -all the political arguments of the Labour Government, including things as the pre-eminent need to keep out the Tories and so on.
ane Iragmentaton mat exists can only be overcome by developing effective opposition lo all ine poncies that Callaghan and the leadership of the TUChave offered. manoeuvres be establishneeded. rapidly particular Ora concerted the labour their interests. contra• aino at une sande organised more difficult.
You can't the bureaucracy within the union.
thạt in but I question. acton on appear on the surface to be but they were last week acceptance Lo on the whole of such ропсу:
NUM 'I don't want it to go in Socialist Challenge that Scargill says: Erect a leadership which is alternative to that which already exists".
Such an opposition is needed both to I don't want it Challenge that ignt against the rient wing and lor alternative policies and leadership for me labour movement dne tO DrOmOt and organise support for struggles of workers here and now in defence of It's an ideal concept to weld together all Decause the various groupings that exist within the labour movement into a central campaign against Government policy be disastrous. The theory of that is absolutely correct The practicality of doing it is a little bit even get unity within Yorkshire on central wages questions All I'm saying is that there is now a period of consolidation to be done: there has to be a complete challenge to An alternative leadership has to be built up at all levels to the right-wing domination the union and this comes back again to the democraci An issue will emerge which will totally maybe connected some miners dismissed from a pit a For with the both demand for a shorter working week, or for higher pay - but then an absolutely clear political situation will develop and Government Im very interested in this alternative way. leadership that you say needs to be construcica, presumaory for te labou movement as a whole and also in the generate unions going into Socialist Scargill says: "Erect a leadership which is alternative to that which already exists'. I'm talking about a leadership being created which will be ready to replace the present leadership when that leadership goes.
I'm not talking about a caucus within that woue tene. my opinion, to even further fragment the trade union movement and that would talking about sa leadership emerging within the mining industrv to replace those leaders of the right when they leave the arena.
Whether they leave or they're pushed, what would you say the central policies of this new leadership would be?
The central policies have got to b complete democracy within the union; unity in action on all issues or une day, including wages, shorter working week, working conditions and the rest of it; against the Social Contract What l'd like to add is that there doe. of course exist within the NUM and within the labour movement as a whole and left-wing organisations, and so the process is ir fact already in operation There are a lot of people who are of like mind who see the problem and see their responsibilities for coming against the policies of the right in a positive We must be realistic and understand that unity will only come about if we are able to mobilise on issues that wil mass support in our own and labour movement as a whole.
As regards the policies of a n leadership, I think it's important clarify what we mean. There's a dang that it means an alternative leadersh now -a splinter group. What I think v need is an alternative strategy, wit people who are members of the labo movement supporing that poncy.
And organised around it?
And organised around it, yes. But th doesn't mean you're an independe organisation set up either within outside of the labour and trade unic movement; you are part of the labor and trade union movement.
And think it would be contradicton in terms to set up organisation which would be union movement. What we ve got to is to challenge the very policies that no exist with socialist policies.
I'm convinced that in the long ter we can transform the whole outlook and of the tra union movement. When this will com about, I don't know. Maybe well t discussing this in ten years in Sociali Challenge By the way, 1 am certain that tl Labour Government will lose the ne clection. As certain as nignt Tollov day. I can't see for the life of me anyor among me ho mimon unemplorer their husbands and wives and offsprin 2T01 Government that increased unemployment by a millior Next week: Arthur Scargill on women rights.
list Opposition But we shouldn't over-estimate what seans. It does not signal a return to the ges offensive we saw in 1972-4. For rd workers the political obstacles to aggle did not seem so great. Ford was making massive profits; y are well organised; and if the TUC re not with them at least they weren't need far vincing that it is possible to win. I's why the Communist Party call 'ever widening militant action', for policies, fails to answer the major confronting socialists in the unions.
An organised left wing, the by be presented to MCDCISHED more Callaghan must UCTLCHECIS movement.
Rebuilding the left is the decisive task far from being divisive, would greatly strengthen allowing clear alternative strategy to meet the crisis to any all the union It is essential to show that a Tory that instead the be leadership at all levels of the labour This does not mean that workers' struggles must wait until the left has been rebuilt into a credible alternative leadership. On the contrary, the Fords strike has done more to defeat the 5 per cent limit and strengthen the left than / resolution to the Tuc.
But an organised left wing can be vital to the success of these struggles. In the Ford strike, one of the greatest dangers is that the absence of mass meetings and democratic involvement of the rank and file will allow a sell-out deal to recommended.
That's why a consistent fight by the left-wing militants in Ford for regular mass meennes and the recall of the Coventry stewards' important.
Only by building an organised left to fight amongst the rank and file, and in the stewards committees, can blatant attacks on union defeated.
Most important of all at the moment is the need to organise the left on a cross union to fight for a be offensive by all workers with claims in A democratic conference organised by the Liaison Committee for • Defence of Trade Unions, and the Rank conference is in, for democracy united -inese Callaghan. major step towards rebuilding the left.
The fight to break off talks with the government and to launch a united struggle by all workers now with claims nationalisation of all firms creating the hour week and redundancy to tackle unemployment, the fight for the removal of Callaghan, and all the other five percenters, from The leadership of the labour movement rebuilding a united democratic left wing can only tackled by that offers a socialist alternative to
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GERRY WALSH works at Ford Dagenham and is in the Engineering Union. From 1967 to 1976 he was a member of the SWP and the former International Workers' Group, and its relevance in rebuilding the and File National Council, would be a