But is capitalism? Not on recent evidence.
scandals i which dubbed 'Oilgate' and "Muldergate'.
moved slightly closer to its denouement last week with the nolite but pointed exchanges between former LADOUr MIS CS ОП ИПО КСИ what about oil supplies to the Like Watergate itself, there is no longer any dispute that the crime took place. The 450-odd pages of the Bingham report, commissioned by the Foreign Secretary, have revealed the "swap' arrangement whereby the major oil companies primarily government-owned British Petroleum — used South African Mozambicar intermediaries to get oil through Toe we are Ex-Prime Minister Harold Wilson reneated his ignorance of all sanctions-busting protestation which would carr more weight if he had made it in Ene SUCHE rarefied atmosphere of the Labour Party conterence But even this apparently bland statement came under attack from two people in a position to know: Michael Stewart and George Thomson, Foreign and Commonwealth Secretaries respectively wilson admimistratons or tne LABOUR came to power in 1974 pledged to open government'. In the week that Brian Sedgemore got the boot and the ABCtrial ended that looks like a sick joke. open government ever possible under RICHARD CARVER looks at two more political continue to bubble, respectively One of the points of dispute concerned the meeting between Thomson and oil company executives February 1968. At the meeting Thomson was possibility of the agreement (though such an agreement was already in effect).
Wilson claims that he never saw the minute because nobody noticed its importance.
Unfortunately roreign ornice meeting (as well as accounts by other participants) is includedin the Bingham report.
Wilson claimed in Commons that: *I do not believe that Lord Thomson when he heard what was said realised the implications.' But this is how the FO memo records Thomson's introduction to the discussion: "The Secretary of State emphasized the great politica importance which tached to being able to say that British oil companies were not Rhodesia through Marques. leak was the parucularattacks at present. He in was under no illusions about our capacity to stop the leak, but it was essential that we should be able to refute the allegations being circulated about British involvement in this trade.' Readers can draw their own conc usions aDol now HDortant Thomson thought the issue wasto tell the world that Britain was not involved in this trade at minute of a the same time as admitting that it would continue; and whether Thomson would be ableto make such decisions without consulting Wilson who, told or ine "swap conducted a highly personalised method of government.
not inal But significance to the meeting, oil bosse recounted in outline the 'swap' They wheeled standard excuse for why oil for him supplies had to continue: memo on the The Shell-BP Company in thes ransvas!
African company, with a South African manager, the under South African law; this South African buyers without Continons regarding would do with it, and also meant that they could be compelled to fulfil contracts entered into.
would therefore continue to be able to divert oil to Rhodesia HMG at- before it reached the TransLourenco The excuse Mozambique impressive when one rememsubject of bers that the refinery providing BP's Rhodesian requirements was not opened until 1971 - six years after UDI and three years after SUITS Thomson.
able to break these Line. swap Rhodesian oil.
report!
impeccable memory, Walter all, government further then out their elsewhere, SALINS WASS POL [petrol, operating being diverted /wenave African clients happening":
Wilson tells us According to his looks less the multinational imposed. mccung WILL It is also worth bearing in mind that the oil companies are agreements when it suits them.
It was only in September this year that BP eventually stopped arrangement The occasion: the publication of the Bingham Sir Harold usually has an 1965 so it is that he should not the Foreign SInce Office had to say about how his should handle questions on whether oil was continuing to reach lan Smith. government "In discussion it was agreer that in any statements in the СОМОН.
Ministers would be
position Office complete accuracy if they used a formula along these lines: "No British company is supplying point.
oil or lubricants] to Rhodesia". If asked whether Britain's POL consigned to the Transvaal by the British companies was Rhodesia, torsof BP.
Ministers could truEntully say something along the following COUTSE looked into this possibility. We And Are See USSIO CYCl opportunity about the conspi- Greenhill? racy to undermine his authority.
Commons him.
statementinationath is plot was companies, who told Smith before the UDI that they would get oil retirement. through to him if sanctions were Yet Wilson is less forth- far away.
The only people who can be coming on the visit of a senior Foreign Office official to Smith shortly before UDI. It is widely believed that the aim of the meeting was to reassure the Rhodesian leader that Britain would not use troops against him in the event of UDI The crucial factor for Smith continuation of his regime ever — was less the knowledge that the multinationals would continue to supply him, which can hardly have been in doubt, than the fact that the British would take similar attitude.
Indeed there is even reassuring continuity of per sonnel between the state and the oil companies. Lord Greenhill, who became ncad orme roreig the Wilson government in 1969, is a case it From a senior formulator of foreign policy he moved, after his retirement in 1973, to become one of the government-appointed direcwhen the present government wanted top level talks with lan Smith in 1976, whom did they call on but Inexplicably the Bingham team did not interview The good lord has chosen the furore around sanctions busting moment for his Perhaps he decided that when the soup hits the ceiling Greenhill should be