LAUNCHED with a fanfare several months ago, the campaign for the elections to the European Parliament in June 1979 has already run into problems.
A contradiction faces the ruling classes in their project of West European centralisation and integration.
On the one hand it requires the increasing synchronisation economic, political and situations in the different countries On the other hand, in each country they are faced CESCS temporarily require a closing of their ranks - divided on the European question - against the working class.
But attempts to hold back the working class at a national level actually go hand in hand with the establishment of an elected European Parliament in order to coordinate this at a West European level.
The national West European institutions is the logical consequence of the West European concentration of capital, of the creation of West multinationals.
The field of action of the state under capitalism has to match up with the productive forces of production. internationalisation and concentration of capital in the EEC therefore runs up more and more against the continued role of the national states and the absence of supra-national INSULUTONS.
The foundation of the EEC itself was a response by big West European capital to the contradiction between the development of the productive forces and the straitjacket of the national states.
To keep up with American and Japanese competition, European industrial groups needed to unite and take advantage of a more and more concerted economic policy materials, Hence the Treaty of Rome.
But because of the decisive role of the state (money, infrastructure, social policy), these big West European groups supra-national institutions of a state type, capable of carrving centralised policy in their favour.
Once ine inter-penetration
West European centralisation capital reached a certain level, the pressure for a supra-national state became irresistible.
Since 1969 the representatives of the key sectors of West European capital have argued for thoroughgoing economic and political integration. As Fiat boss Agnelli put it on 20 February 1969 to the permanent industry commission of the Italian Parliament: If we want to the development automobile industry, then we must take it in hand at the supra-national level.
That is the historic tendency. But in a period of growth it wasn't necessary to go beyond measures to aid exports and guarantee profits. Only with the onset of the big recession of 1974-75 did the crisis of the EEC explode.
There was no supra-national state capable of caring out the anti-crisis policy needed by the European groups to compete with the American trusts, who had a powerful state at their service.
In this situation, in the absence of a supra-national state, each bourgeoisie began to concern itself with its own economy. Thus Italy demanded a series of exemptions community's economic agreements at the height of the crisis of the lira.
And they turned to their national states to deal with the deep social crisis which was developing.
There was a clear risk that the EEC could simply fall apart, particularly as the national states were tending to adopt protectionist measures in order to limit competition from the other which European and The the West infrastructures).
taxation, credit, needed OULd and of more economies So in 1977 the of the steps to counter this.
The bourgeoisie, explanation economic At their 1977, Giscard big West *The West German governments would like to moves towards economic to European union.
They hope that the the contribute to this.' capitalism French steel-workers fighting EEC attacks.
most far-sighted West representatives of West European big capital (the social-democrat Helmut Schmidt and Giscard d'Estaing) took after the first of the temporary consequence of the rise in oil prices, now settled down for a crisis of longer duration, and began to sharpen up its instruments for making the working class bear the cost.
"summit' on 4 February and Schmidt announced their intention of acting as the motors of a European resurgence. Their common declaration explained:
and French see the Community take up again in 1978 the union, a necessary stage on the road policies of recovery (read austerity! put into action by several member states will This clearly revealed the objective: to co-ordinate the anti-working class austerity policies put forward by the governments of the member countries of the EEC, and to use the crisis to redeploy the forces of West European These objectives lie behind the three connected measures which the European bourgoisie currently trying to apply: the creation of the European Monetary Union, the enlarging of the EEC, and the election of the European Parliament.
The creation of the European Monetary System (EMS) is in line with several concerns of the European capitalists:
not to be subject to the fluctuations of the dollar;
- to free the movement of European capital;
to co-ordinate the anti-crisis policy (credit, etc.);
- to create a common reserve fund which would allow (strong) countries to influence the political, economic and social choices of governments faced with powerful workers movement (in the tradition of the IMF in recent years in Peru, Italy, Britain, etc.).
The EMS is intended to accompany and act as a guideline for national austerity policies For example, the economic policy committee of the EEC admits that the poorer countries which join the EMS will meet with difficulties, because it will require them to give greater priority to questions concerning the balance of payments, and less to other objectives such as growth On the other hand, because the is EMS regulates the rates of uncharge, reduce political instruments governments faced with a crisis.
The main pitfall on the road to establishing disparity between national currencies, the different economies, the different social and These disparities are currently blocking the full implementation of the EMS, although the bourgeoisie would like to achieve this before the onset of the new recession.
The establishment of an elected European Parliament is intended to allow them to forge ahead with these projects by legitimising the whole operation in the eyes of the West European people — in the first place, the reformist leaderships of working class.
In this sense one can talk of an institutional yoke on European workers different West European bourgeoisies also hope to have a go at reducing the political weight of organisations in each national state For example, Agnelli explained to the paper France Soir on 10 July 1976 and Gust after electoral gains, which were to lead to in other bourgeoisie:
market; the produce countries into sphere;
social crisis countries advanced and consequences the workers.
La rejection OUR DO available the EMS lies in the the different workers Spain.
European immediate stimulating answered by "foreigners' the the West and A By this means the the workers' and capitalism the Italian CP's -big Inprecor. parliamentary majority:
integrated Europe, the posed by strons DESCHICC in Italy and would be offset to extent. The Communists would thus have the necessary time to go through with their democratic evolution if they are capable of it, and we will have the time to confirm the sincerity of their respect for pluralism, not only politically but economically, and for the links which unite us in the West don't wish to The fact that the West European bourgeoisies have encountered difficulties and aclays on we way tr realising this project does not mean that they will give it up.
This is also the significance of the proposed entry of Greece, Portugal and Spain into the BEC. For the bourgeoisies of these countries, the crisis they face makes entry into the EEC an urgent question.
Certain sections of the bourgeoisie EEC countries are more dubious, but four factors argue in its overall favour for the West European the advantages of market consisting of a quarter of the world interest for big West European agribusiness in cornering the market in the primary agricultural these Mediterranean and securing an opening Third World markets in this - the interest for the industrial groups in redeploying their means of production towards those countries with a cheap labour force — the need to give political support to weak regimes racing a massive For all these reasons, which are stronger than those for holding back, they are therefore moving towards an integration of the three candidate special long-term clauses (particularly in order to limit the free circulation of labour high unemployment rate)
The entry of these countries into the Market which defended by the workers' parties in all three countries will have immediate negative for the Spanish, Portuguese and Greek workers It will strengthen the dominant sectors of capitalism in each country and therefore their ability to exploi These reasons are enough to justify of EEC entry by the workers in these countries However, this opposition cannot be mounted on the line put forward by the Communist Party in France opposed to enlarging the BEC only consequence is to counterpose the interests of French to of the three candidate countries, and particularly For while the policy of the West bourgeoisie leads to COVISIOS the workers of different countries (in unemployment therefore competition for jobs inside the working class), this be falling back on the defence of "French jobs' coveted by Opposition to the entry of Spain, Greece and Portugal can only mounted in the name of centralising the struggles of the workers of these countries with those of workers in the 'Nine' against austerity.
campaign for reduction in the working week can lead on to a fight for the democratic planning of the European economy thus for the overthrow of * This article is condensed from s longer one which appeared in the 15 March issue of the French language Socialist Challenge 12 April 1979 Page 13
CP reply on student alliance 1 WAS somewhat surprised at the commens mn YOUT column about Communist Party's attitude towards the Broad Left alliance in the student movement (22 March). I can see no incompatibility berween the ments of myself and those of David Aaronovich.
You seem unable to understand the difference between on the one hand an alliance of forces who agree about a common perspective on a whole range of issues facing students - from the future of the education system to support TOr liberation movements Broad Left, and, on the other hand, those alliances which around specific issues or specific The Broad Left has had a number of problems in its structure and the way it works. This is the reason why the meeting on 11 March was called to discuss these problems. The Broad Left, both locally and nationally, often works in a way that excludes many potential supporters from its not consider themselves 'Broad I think there are a number of casons for this. Firstly, the Broad Lett is seen as a narrow y socialist or the banks and the social ownership ganisation with the nationalisation of the means of production as two of our demands. - demands which do Bot necessarily answer the immediate needs of the student movement.
The Broad Left meeting decided that the organisation would be a forum for left and radical ideas but would be based around a more concrete manifesto for the student movement.
Secondly, the Broad Left currently offers little opportunity for non-aligned students to influence its direction determined bpolicies • DIOCCSS egotiation between the Communist National Organisation abour Students and the Broad Left en the NUS executive. The meeting greed that the Broad Left would come an organisation of individuals who agreed with the manifesto and it would have conferences where differences were argued out.
Finally, a return to the active, campaigning style of work is essential for the Broad Left. It union leaderships, it also has to offer a framework for rank activists to work within. To represent a fight for the interests of students in their colleges. I believe that a left alliance based on these lines is necessary for the student movement. SALLY HIBBIN [National Student Organiser, Communist Party] NORTH WEST WARRINGTON Socialist OMEATER MANCHESTER Socialist Challenge School students whe upport the paper and would like to get olved in anti-fascist activity. please tact Chris (273 5947, day) or Steve manchester sc Centre, 10 Piecay.
write SALFORD Socialist Challenge Centre bio 14 Pical, with a view to forming a Salford SC second ursdays month. A storalist Unity. For utside Yorkshire Bank, supporters sell the paper at. Moss Side SIDE Socialist entre, Saturday, 11-1 Socialist Challenge 12 April 1979 Page 14 the Challenge should ever carry should make any comment!
national condemned - le. the clearly OTHES way which the bourgeois revolutionary the democracy mean in practice. MARGARET FORD, HELD, JAN WATKINS (Camden)
*As reported last for doing this. was once an important often of unity of those two maxims, life and 'transform the world"
policy-making 'elective affinity"
reservations, that and file to see parodied in the dreary, advertising hallenge' (22 Marci who roduced i NORTH EAST porters Gro. 2 Pioneer altages. Lot Dave Brown -itinaton Durnam MIDDLESBROUGH Socialist Saturday lunchtime ne stand at Cleveland Centr Also Linthorpe Road upstarts in tus opencer nan shopping SCOTLAND For information about the paper or its EDINBURGH Socialist supporters Shone sorge at 031-1 gul to group detais DUNDEE,Information about Angry at pornography WE are very angry about the recent supplement on surrealism (22 March). Generally it was a shoddy piece of writing, but it was the publication of pornography which made us really an restrongly question that Socialist they pornography - an expression of violence against women. The 'Note on sexism' from the Editorial Board did manage *to come up with a statement that such be published without comment. But then failed to We believe that you should have pornography and exSocialist Challenge has a responsibility to condemn such writing and explain why we as revolutionary socialists con demn violence against women — in a clearly differentiates us from the Whitehouse perspective of bolstering up the nuclear family.
It is clear that Socialist Challenge should now give the same space to a supplement on women, pornography and violence, written by women. say you should do this if you really do acknowledge a difference between media and The Editorial -DICSS.
Board needs to have a discussion on principles of socialist VERONICA POLLOCK, SUE week. weicome the procucuon or tour pages on women against violence against women and are discussing a schedule Parody of surrealism IT'S worth remembering that there between surrealism and Trotskyism, that the activity of many surrealists in France and elsewhere in the late 1920s and '30s was a serious attempt to find a political meaning in the 'change Most of the surrealists gave active support to Trotsky, even though that support was sometimes (as in the case of André Breton) based more on an than on any thorough understanding of Trotsky's work. Some of them, whatever their became Trotskyists (Peret, Schwarz, Naville). So it's sad grossly arrogant ipplement Surreali he coterie (good old Rosemon claim surrealists (are, for what it's worth) ana ouer surreansm as a umeless has alascov Boots Saturday 11am-2pm HAMILTON supporters sell Socialist Ford, 553 Eliot Crescent, Hamilton.
MIDLANDS ChalNewsfare NOTTNGHAM readers Socialist Challengi nusnroom books heatncote s LEAMINGTON Socialist every other Contact 311772 YORKSHIRE group meets Northumberland Street Challenge the York Community Wa maate i1230-45)
Socialist, Thursdays University. days (11.30-3 30) at Coney Street package of truth, a missing ingredient which a band of devotees have been nurturing ever since the death of Breton — much as the more religious Trotskyist sects do with Trotsky's writings. Messianic rather than revolutondry. OUL of rhetoric without the connection.
Maybe they weren't responsible for the lay-out or the pictures (though should've been, considering what they must have paid to buy their "intervention'). Geoff Carroll's photos of Edge Hill which sandwich the supplement look like Man Ray in comparison. But they are responsible for trying to present an experiment that was one of the starting points for anything we can now call cultural politics as a dogma.
To continue that experiment means junking much of its theory like Breton's views on the unconscious, work psychoanalysis) some of ils techniques (such as (such as automatic writing the texts included show just how transparent, boring that can sometimes be).
The surrealist project, the desire that ran through it, hasn't disappeared, even in Britain. It's there in the women's movement, the movement, Rock against Racism... The New British Surrealists should take ume off trom their self-imposed isolation and go look for it. MALCOLM IMRIE (London SEI1)
EB's hypocrisy AMAZING! First we get a 4-page supplement (22 March) contributed oy une surreasI movement or a least a group of writers claiming to represent it).
It includes the dreaded text of Stephan Kukowski, violent, well-written and, as we see, "provocative" It's obviously provocative, because it's an 'automatic text" expressing as nearly as possible the subconscious fantasies of Stephan Kukowski's male mind. The Editorial Board publishes, with a superfluous disclaimer.
Publication produces outrage and occupation of the editorial offices by women': the Board immediately caves in to this pressure, concluding that the text "should not have been printed" (5 April). Why not?
Does the readership need to be "protected' by censorship, or indeed by an accompanying editorial "line'? After all, most of us have enough intelligence to realise that the EB •did not endorse the views contained in the supplement, and we do notice the paper's consistent (if sometimes rather routine) support and reporting of women's campaigns. important is that the readership takes responsibility for attempting to deal with such issues.
This moralising seems to be all Stephan Kukowski's provocative text actually provoked. Nothing HUDDERSFIELD Socialist the Piazza.
Saturday 11am-1.30pm can details Challeng Sunda 44 UnION SI HYG -sellers Vanbrugh, College: Satur about if and how surrealism can help deal with such fantasies, which we surely admit to be a widespread danger, not from their own suppression. If all men are the should that be dealt with? National Health psychiatrists? Articles in The Lancet?
Some discussion is needed in the not that because, first, it does not have a mass readership; secondly, its readership will not react in alienated manner of the Sun's readership, precisely because, thirdly, the readership of Socialist Challenge does have access to its columns, to debate, attack or explore Stephan Kukowski's contribution not to the field of violent pornographia but to an exploration of the subconscious surrealist art-form. In such a case it is neither feminist nor revolutionary practice to condemn the writer or the publisher; for the latter to capitulate on having that debate is apologetic hypocrisy.
ED FREDENBURGH, CLAUDI ROIG (London SE27) gay Lessons of YOUR report March) stated that swept the Liverpool left that the Labour candidate's election address was to be written by the left inclined' GMC of the Edge Hill Labour Party, and smugly concluded that 'a rumour is all it turned out to be.
The fact is that an continues within our CLP over the content of election material and all OTHeT matters responsibility of the candidate to his party. It saddens me that you choose to write this struggle off in a snide and infantile manner, but I wish to set the record straight for the benefit of your more serious readers.
Your articles on the by-election omit the following: (1) The success of the CLP in long-standing Labour MP for the area from the selection list in early 1977. (2) The fact that the GMC did pass a resolution in stating that the should be written by them. (3) The fact that a resolution condemning the underhand manner in which Wareing reneged on that decision because of pressure from Transport House was deteated by only six votes on the GMC The is: strengthen revolutionary forces more - serious, consistent work to develop a fighting class struggle line within the Labour Party, or a wonder' campaign by SU? Although Labour lost Edge Hill and will probably lose the General Election, a vote for the Labour Party is still considered, unfortunately, to be the DEWSBURY Socialist Challenge sales Nate Westminste Chanene deo regulany oaturadys tam iom u Lecus socialist nartenge sales ever Opm. And at Enland Read t Centre Precinct wien recds vid are playhig at nome.
BATH Socialist Challenge sales ever COLCHESTER Saturday 320298 to crise outside mactisi regularly Sales every saturday to Comin details ar. Post Office, Bargate Hempstead 41037 wiGH reader TOWCH ence PORTSMOUTH Socialist Challeng sell Socialist аm-1 pr Saturdays. De: Sunday BRENT FOR INFORMATION on activities in write to Box 002, Imarks, 110 Cheltenham Road, Everyone welcome male least barely potential rapists', how candidate Playboy or the Sun the passive and March). text is through the 'his clothes' page which concerning Edge Hill on Edge Hill (22 'wild rumour something actual fight concerning the DOW CI working class removing the points on the come January address Party manifesto.
will *three week real request.
every alu say am into sales in the Ground. Haymarket SOUTHEAST ORWICH Socialist Challenge sal in Davey BRIGHTON SC forums fortnights.
Micky on Suone Steve on Wivenhoe 2949.
HEMEL HEMPSTEAD supporters meet sunday evenings. me phon on HAMLEIS SOCIalIST every fortnight Cnal onone car car or cerais TOWCH HAMLES socialst Chal enge supporters sell every weekend Saturdays meet 10.30am. Whitechape meet 10am, Brick Lane OUT DUATORS E17. forums are hold on the irst Tuesday Socialist ever. Chichele Road, N2. 7.30gm. every month at York only alternative to the Tories and Liberals by the majority of politically CO SCIOUS WORKOS The 127 votes Walker received got him out of the joke category and revealed Socialist Unity for what it is -irrelevant sideshow which shirks the serious task of freeing the class from me ponies or Labourism BAS HARDY (Liverpool 15)
Why we vote Labour I WISH to take issue with the content given to the slogan Vote Labour but fight for a socialist alternative' (29 On the question of voting Labour, there is a sharp contradiction between the editorial on page 2 in which Callaghan 'has excelled' apparently in ability to steal Thatcher's , and the article on the back argues that the Tories "would be able to go further than the present Labour government in its attacks on working class interests and Moreover, these superficial comparisons bypass the essential point the way the Labour government has been able to carry out "Tory' policies, which is by using its relationship with the trade union bureaucracy to suppress working class opposition to its policies which Heath's government could not do Only in this light can the crucial importance of voting Labour at the next election be understood. It is not just because Labour leaders can be tested and exposed in office. It is also because Labour is the only mass political party rooted in the working class, and thus when Labour is in the question of democracy within its mass organisations becomes more relevant for the The second aspect of the slogan -"build the socialist alternative' - mav take a concrete form in the campaigns of Socialist Unity, but was it a so supposed to be concretised in the five front page? The five slogans are minimalist posturing and alternative the tokenistic Full righist socialist for women', for instance, is so vague it could have come from a Liberal MIKE SLEDGE (Wivenhoe)
THE LENGTH of letters printed will usually be kept down to 400 words in order to encourage as wide a range of contributions as possible. All letters may be cut at the Editor's discretion. Unsigned letters will not normally be published, although we will withhold names from publication on MACANCT socialIst onalenge crou ToranY On inursdays a pub Mare vvna revolutionaries CEne general Labour Party and Socralist Unity HACKNEY Broadway Vares newsagent. Middie Bookmarks, Finsbury Park WALTHAMSTOW Socialist Challenge Sheridan Newsage Newsagen19. BaHoe HARROW Socialist Challenge
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