and fast during the election campaign.
From inside Britain there was the LOTSEE heckling Labour leaders, an editorial in Evening saying that Ireland should be issue", and a similar Matement Cardinal Hume, the head of the Catholic Church in England.
Out/Sinn Fein march Glasgow on 21 April and the attack on it by Orange forces, and there was the assassination by the Irish National Liberation Arthy of Airey Neave, the Tory spokesperson North of Ireland.
From outside Britain came the statement of Tip O Neill, speaker of the American House of Representatives, that Ireland nad been usu as as punucal football" by the main British article Governor Hugh Carey of New York which said: "We should arge the British Government to develop and announce a strong plan for political and physical withdrawal Northern *If political encouragement and financial incentives do not succeed in strengthening Brit ain's willingness to initiate moves towards peace, the US Congress should consider applying the same coonomic thal are. applied against Rhodesia, Russin and cater callome lor violations of human rights.
In the North of Ireland itself the came from different source. In the week Irott members of the British forces were killed and four others were wounded.
This is the highest fatality and casualty rate the British forces have suffered since the current phase of the Irish of national liberation began.
The leading politicians did offer some response to these events. Tory candidate Robert Adley described Carey as a latter day political Al Capone* Margaret: Thatcher insisted that 'we have never used Ulster La political football...the Labour Party didn t Opposition and neither have and Labour's Education Secretary Shiricy described O'Neill's remarks as the 'unfair.
But apart from a 'personal' statement from Liberal deputy leader John Pardoe that Britain should consider withdrawal" from the North of Ireland over period, there was no attempt by any leading politician or party TRISC vote-catcher, an election issuc, or indeed to suggest any way out of the current British policy in Ireland.
Liberal leader David Steel put it most clearly insisted that the Ireland was one of the few issues on which there was no basic difference parties". But if this states the consensus on Ireland, it does not explain why it operates.
Two other views expressed during the election hint at the reason. from a senior Tory, Hailsham. He declared:
'I would say to him (Tip O'Neill) and lo Kennedy that they should bear in mind that Britain is an seven independent country.
A similar opinion came from the Daily Star, whose editorial announced: Americans guise the fact talking claptrap by using long # 015- Well. simple words them, delivered in true British fashion: Belt up!... the wrongs of Ulster struggle Star believes we are right keep the troops there for the time being certain: it's our business and we don't need advice."
Whether it is the sophisti. cated tone of Hailsham or the brash vulgarity of the Daily Star, the essential message is in the same: the North of Ireland Williams, *phased a three year crisis of when be North of campaign One came Lord Senator that they're our way, should shut up ACTE HITE of advice for Lists have always adopted rights and outsue world one thing Britain to Ill-informed did with his established mination are welcome.
movement. 15 Intemational is Britain, we'll deal with it in and everybody else This is the classical attitude agreed that colonisers, then imperialfruits of that arrogant determination to run their colony as they see without interference from the its opponents, It is somehow legitimate for interfere the events of Iran (as David Owen sacking Shah) or the Soviet Union (a Britain does with its criticisms of 'human rights" there). But let needed anyone dare to mention what considerable Britain is up to in the North of repress. Ireland and all bell breaks All the major parties are North Ireland will remain British. The insistence are shown on the opposite page government-backed "coercion"
the jailing of "special powers, the killing of those who tight back.
This not only speaks volumes about the nature of British rule in Ireland, but it also illustrates the level of resistance to that rule. Repression would not be unless there was resistance to Throughout the 19th and carly 20th centuries the Irish people voted time and time again for the breaking of thi link with Britain, for the right rule tbemselves. And throughout that period Britain denied that right.
When resistance became wellnigh uncontrollable, a level of home rule was granted. But the way in which it was granted did not conform to the wishes ol the majority of the Irish people, but rather to the violence of the minority who insisted that Ireland should remain British or - if that wasn't possible - then part of it should.
Neither then nor since have the Irish people as a abole voled for The division of Ireland; at no time have they been allowed to.
the *Irish problem remains. Until the people of all Ireland are given the right to decide together bow that country will be run there to fight for that right.
At times tbis may involve only a few hundred, at times it may involve thousands, and at times it will involve hundreds of thousands. Such is what has happened in the past, and such is what is happening now The right of a people to self-determination is a principle to which socialists bave always sworn allegiance. But all too often, especially as far Ireland goes, it has remained a 'principle' without application.
The application of it today means the immediate ending of the British SOJESCULE there BLU he concrete, the immediate withdrawal of British troops.
There is no way the people ol Ireland can decide their own future withour interlerence abile there are troops there who insist that the future lies with them.
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THE OPPORTUNITIES for the politicians of the major parties to discuss the issue of Ireland came thick