WHEN Chanceller Ceoffrey Howe arrives at Westminster next week all of the more picasam surpnscsin mus budget bricicase wil have the effect of forcing even larger numbers on to the dole queues.
The Tory decision to freeze all civil service cecruitment is just the bitter beginning. In July, thoorand, of school students who have never had a job will face a dreary, penniless summer.
And the jobs shake-out is relentless, thanks to the cffects of capitalist rationalisation and closures, and of the new technology.
Competition The Tories want to improve the competitive position of British industry on a world-scale -at the expense of the working class. This isn't easy, espcially mperialist competition is hard Their efforts are in the context of a more eneral trend of capitalist re-structuring on European-wide basis so that loss-making firms can be eliminated, and the average rate of profit raised.
Unemployment Is a big weapon that can weaken the fighting strength of the labour movement. If there's one thing a large "reserve army of unemployed can do, it's to deter militant struggle.
The Tories have a big job in front of them.
The fighting spirit of the working class has not heen destroved despite official unemplayment gures of 1.3 million. But in some areas, lke erseyside's Speke, the numbers of jobless has grave loll demoralised and pessimistic community. As one Speke wer erated at a sent local meeting, umemployment, then we are certainly going to be incapable of defending our other basic rights". Struggles During five years of hard "Labour", it's not #ruggles against unemployment. Yet under the Tories the memories of those struggles looms UCS, Fisher Alexandria, BSC River Don.
Why has there been such little resistance to the growing dole queue in recent years? Especially in a situation where some of the most ike Leyland, have been affected.
First the past big struggles were part of u broader movement HERITSE government which culminated in the miners! strike or 1974.
Furthermore, unlike under the recent Labour Government, the working class saw a clear alternative.
Sociulist Challenge 7 june page 5 intergrowing structural Bendix, Plessey HAPPY •Defend the right to work, and on socially *Occupations to defend jobs. A campaiga of mass action for the 35-hour week with no loss of pay. Nationalisation without compensation and under workers" control of all firm declaring redundancies. cut hours not jobs. A campaign of unionisation of the unemployed *Defend the publie sector. Abolish the cash limits system and protect public expenditure from the effects of inflation through automatie increases.
For a public sector alliance as a first step to mass class wide uction ugainst the cuts.
Aholish private practice in the public sectos and nationalise without compensation all socia services supply industries. Complete oppo sition to ull dentionulisations.
many leading struggles against unemployment -One eator, homelete same Tony Under Labour, however, Been who had marched arm in arm with Jimmy Reid in previous times became a (silent hember ofthe Cabiner. In addition, the whole collaborationist machinery installed by Wilson and Callaghan under the Social Contract and through legislation like Protection Act undermined militant struggle on 811185125 The most important reason for the absence of struggle on the scale of those in 1971-2, however, was the qualitative deterioration of the world economy in the crisis of 1975.
In 1971 workers felt they could win through occupations and other actions. A. benevolent Labour government or another firm would bale them out Alter 1975 this was not the case. British Leyland said there was no moncy — and it was believed by workers, because it was the truth. With Labour's Tory policies, there was little hope that the government would come to the Tescue.
Similarly, - in tbe sut of money aureed, all that's left ti aggle over is how to divide it between wage jobs and service-provision. Catastrophe Today, any strategy to teckle the Jobs crisis has In COTTONE prospects for the economy. To date the absence of such a strategy has de-railed the jobs fight.
pius government intervention demand (and to counter investment strike by employers).
This ignores the strategy of the ruling class to massively, increase unemployment, weaken the workers' organisations.
A socialist strategy can't start from the need to convince the employers to invest or for import controls. Its beginning has to be the need to prepare workers already unemployed — for a massive united struggle against the employers and against any government which sanctions the actions or doderer redubdancies icelf.
It's not a defence of the British economy capitalist chacacter. policy, but one based on international workers' action.
toy labour movement leader who oppose ob losses can't genuinely act in the interests o the working class unless they back a fighting policy, committed to job defence through mass action. But our fight can't be left in the hands of the leaders. Wehaveto scart orpanising now. CENTRE
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MAKE 122.000 ENGINEERS THEN CAVENES:
Benn's solution is two-fold: a programme of import controls to protect the British economy,