IRAN+IRAN+IRAN+IRAN + IRAN+ IRAN + IRAN + IRAN + IRAI THE revolutionary upsurge toppled the Shah, dented the elite and severely disrupted ДЕУ COrUd. the functioning of Iranian capitalism was glall mobilisations.
These built up gradually in size, strength, and combativity, ting in an insurrection on 9 February ın lenran. The insurrection spread rapidly to other cities. crumbled, and the military apparatus rete ed severe doy.
The weakness of the left and the collaborationist character of most of the bourgeois oppositionists had left the Mosque as the sole centre opposition to the Shah's regime. The exile Ayatollah Khomeini was known as an. intransigent opponent of the Shah. He became the ideological leader of the masses.
Victory immediatel esimed be masses was iccess of the masses. a victory for his brand of Islam and the defeat of the godless Shah. In the tirst flush ot success many reiorms were promised. More to the point, the level of mass expectations reached the moon.
The Iranian ruling classes and the army chiefs understood that opposition to Khomeini would be colmicr-orouuculvc. here was possibility of a rapid return of the Shah, even ine saving monarchy. Overnight they became Muslims and temselves before the Imam.
Having lost the Shah, the ruling classes put most of their eggs in Kbomeini's basket.In the brocess oi transit some of them were broken.
The government Khomeini was entrusted to Bazargan, but it was Khomeini's will that was law. Ihe initia clashes between the Imam and his loyal retlected the divisions and among the rulers. Forged But gradually a certain unity is beginning to be forged as Khomeini moves over to accepting the need to ECCU SUUCI apparatuses of the ruling class.
The Iranian strength was derived from the Shah and his reign of terror. The fall of the Shah weakened them considerably: and they decided that only Khomeini could safeguard their interests.
contradictions, persist. Khomeini's natural addiction to religion and Islamic codes runs • COMEC to anv torm constitutionalism. Moreover, a rigid application of these codes is bound to backfire.
The execution of torturers, and ex-Prime does not amount to smashing dobralus old execution of homosexuals. ers, and prostitutes is an outrage and a culminaThe monarchy the masses.
The bourgeoisie of rule, but it centrai was any prostrated reality except stabilisation of the established by order: The possible in Iran is utopian. thai Bazargan unease textbook the fall of the Shah.
NOsuleci traditional seeds bourgeoisie's main phase.
grasping present situation, democratic reforms for oł bovge In the relations, closed down imperialist generals, Ministers used the imperialism in the Arab Gulf.
stale. The adulterdisgrace. Moralism is no substitute for the material living conditions of wants. stability more than anything else. It sees Islam as a useful tool for perpetuating its regards Khomeini's fanaticism as counter-productive. In bourgeois salons there is open talk of "what we will do after the old... dies'.
But all the desires of the Iranian capitalists cannot be transformed into through regime. That is why the choice in Iran temains between a socialist transforA TONANOA-INO O DIP DONEI the existing notion that lengthy bourgeois-democratic interregnum is OCUSC Iran and its evolution over the past year offers a vindication Trotsky's theses on the permanent revolution. This can be seen clearly by evaluating what has been happening in Iran since What was the character of the in Iran? It was essentially a struggle for democratic sedsest a gronan anti-capitalist La growing antı-capitalist radicalisation, especially in the last However, and this is decisive in complexities of the the substantial which masses fought and died have not been granted by the Khomeini-Bazargan sphere of international Khomeini has broken all links with South Africa and Israel;
bases; and made it virtually impossible for Iran central relay of These are popular measures, but they contradict the internal strategy of the regime, and the attempts to get the economy going could well see a sharp move back towards strengthening its ties with imperialism.
It is on the home ground that the decisive battles will be fought. The struggle of the nationalities for their democratic rights has already led to sharp clashes between the Kurds and Arabs on one side, and Khomeini's partisans on the other.
In both instances the mobilisations of Kurds and Arabs have forced Khomeini to retreat. In the case of both the Arabs and the Kurds the grouping which has been to forefront defending national rights has been the iranian Socialist Workers Party, which is the Iranian section of the It's because of the SWP's actions support of oppressed nationalities that the government regards the question of Trotskyists wcle arrested. nationalities as one of the explosive in the present period.
Its fears are not unfounded. The nationalities were denied basic rights by the Shah. They participated in the anti-Shah only themselves confronted with religious obscurantism. Their partial victories will only strengthen their resistance.
On the economic government allowed the formation of unions and workers' committees.
Many capitalists left the country in disgust, and in a number of industries there were elements of control.
On 6 July, Bazargan nationalised the assets of 51 leading industrialists, but many of them had already fled with large reserves. The preceding month saw the nationalisation banks and insurance companies.
What is the nationalisations? In our opinion they are being carried out as a last ditch attempt by Bazargan to stabilise the country - by utilising the state (as owner) to confront the workers on two levels: to tell them these are now their industries, and that if they don't mass believe him to use the forces of the state to confront them.
Outlawing of owned industries will be the next step. Most of the nationalised industries their are tied hand and foot to big multinationals, and capital, the state will deal directly with Fourth them.
counterrevolution they Iranian 'rightful owners'.
continues to rise. It stands at 3 million and the worst sufferers are the Kurds, 1110S Turkomans, and Khomeini wants a 'charity foundation' Socialists argue find The central struggle was for free elections and a popular Constituent Assembly.
the demand has been consistently denied PHOTOGRAPHS: masked members workers' Khomeini's Imam committees "keeping the fighters who helped overthrow the Shah.
rignis in bourgeoisie of VULVs.
purpose of these Rights Un workers' attacks.
and leadership rection. largest Khomeini, publish strikes in pamphlet.
instead of private the extreme if the Fedayeen successful can be handed back to their At the same time unemployment the Arabs to deal with the problem.
In for different demand of the This maintain Fedayeen.
Above of Below last forever. winning a referendum for an "Islamic So today there are no democratic structures — either direct nationalities, representation, women, and workers' industry, there are no acceptable solutions IN sight. The knows full well that conceding these rights would pave the way for a permanent revolutionary the left, the pro-Moscow Tudeh Party has tail-ended Khomeini since September 1978. Before that time it was engaged in a struggle to 'democratise' the monarchy!
remains the best-organised party, but many of its members are seriously disoriented. The party failed to fight for women's rights when these were under severe 'The largest group to the left of the Tudeh is the Fedayeen, Their prestige strength accrues their of the February 1NSUTThey have spearheaded the demonstrations against but have put forward confused and ambiguous formulas on the bazargan regime .A process of political differentiation, however, is beginning to take shape within the Fedayeen. A tiny indication of this is the decision to Mandel's The Leninist Theory of Organisation as a Fedayeen Trotskyists The Iranian Trotskyists represent left workers' mobilisations, but have presented their own independent class positions through their weekly paper Kargar (The Worker).
They are in close discussions with two major workers' groups on national level, and their intransigent defence of socialist principles has seen a big growth of their influence.
public confrontations Khomeini's ideologues, the Iranian SWP has acquired a national identity. Its growth will depend on its ability to build a base in the factories and non-sectarian though principled prientation towards the Iran is literally at the crossroads The divisions within the ruling class have given the left a breathing space but this period of instability cannot The next six to eight months wil be decisive for building the strength of the left if it is to be able to resist attacks and even, if necessary, to go on to the offensive .*Iran — repression grows, page 10. Socialist Challenge 19 July 1979 Page 9
REPRESSION against the left is now